Key Takeaways
1. The MAGA New Right: A Reactionary Force Reshaping American Conservatism
This new movement was inspired by Trump, but the seeds were there long before him, and the movement reached well beyond.
A transformed conservatism. Between 2016 and 2024, American conservatism underwent a dramatic shift, capitulating to a far-right populist movement that twice propelled Donald Trump to the presidency. This "New Right" fundamentally altered the Republican Party's intellectual wing, moving away from traditional constitutionalism and free-market principles towards a more radical agenda.
Core tenets of the New Right:
- Anti-immigration: A staunch stance against open borders and diverse demographics.
- Economic nationalism: Opposition to free trade and globalism, favoring domestic industries.
- America-first foreign policy: A rejection of neoconservative interventionism.
- Social traditionalism: A deep-seated opposition to liberal pluralism and egalitarianism, often rooted in white, Christian, and patriarchal values.
Beyond Trump. While Trump served as a catalyst, the movement's ideological roots predate his rise, drawing from older, extremist conservative views. The New Right views mainstream liberal America as a monolithic "regime" of elite oppression, driving a culture war based on reactionary social values rather than specific policy concerns.
2. The Claremonters: Intellectual Architects of Trumpism and Counter-Revolution
The intellectuals of the New Right did us the favor of articulating their visions for the future, leaving behind a lengthy public record of their project.
Jaffa's legacy. The Claremont Institute, founded by students of Harry V. Jaffa, became a central hub for the New Right's intellectual defense of Trumpism. Jaffa, a West Coast Straussian, politicized Leo Strauss's thought by applying it to American political thought and advocating for a radical recovery of the American founding's "first principles," often termed "Declarationism." His famous line, "extremism in defense of liberty is no vice," became a rallying cry.
From scholarship to activism. Figures like Michael Anton, a Claremont alumnus, leveraged this intellectual framework to justify Trump's populist appeal. Anton's "The Flight 93 Election" essay, which went viral with Rush Limbaugh's help, framed the 2016 election as an existential crisis demanding radical action. This marked a shift from academic discourse to direct political activism, with Claremont affiliates actively shaping the Trump administration's agenda.
Dangers of abstraction. The Claremonters' "Ideas First" approach, while rooted in rigorous textual analysis, often led to abstract, monomaniacal interpretations of history and political philosophy. This intellectual style, exemplified by Jaffa's later rigid moralism and homophobia, allowed for a selective reading of the past that justified extreme political positions and dismissed inconvenient historical realities, such as the complexities of slavery or the civil rights movement.
3. Postliberalism: Rejecting Liberal Neutrality for a "Common Good" State
As liberalism has ‘become more fully itself,’ as its inner logic has become more evident and its self-contradictions manifest, it has generated pathologies that are at once deformations of its claims yet realizations of liberal ideology.
Liberalism's inherent failure. Patrick Deneen, a leading Postliberal, argues that liberalism is doomed by its own success. Its foundational principles of individual autonomy and the conquest of nature, he contends, inevitably dissolve social bonds and lead to a "liberalocracy" of detached elites. This critique, echoing Allan Bloom's concerns about liberal education, posits that liberalism's openness ultimately leads to rootlessness and despotism.
Integralism and the state. Adrian Vermeule, a Harvard Law professor and Catholic integralist, pushes this critique further, advocating for a "strategic Ralliement" to co-opt and transform the liberal state from within. Integralism seeks to integrate church and state, subordinating political life to Catholic spiritual aims and enforcing a "common good" defined by conservative Catholic norms. This vision rejects liberal pluralism and institutional neutrality, seeing them as masks for a "Satanic" agenda.
Schmittian influence. Both Deneen and Vermeule draw heavily from Carl Schmitt, the Nazi jurist, embracing his critique of liberalism's supposed neutrality and his emphasis on existential "friend-enemy" distinctions in politics. This intellectual lineage justifies a "radically dogmatic as to ends, radically flexible as to tactics and means" approach, where the pursuit of a singular, objective "common good" overrides traditional legal and constitutional limits, paving the way for authoritarian action.
4. National Conservatism: Forging a Homogenous Nation and Global Alliances
I have written this book so that we have a statement of the reasons for being a nationalist.
Rehabilitating nationalism. Yoram Hazony, founder of the Edmund Burke Foundation and the National Conservatism (NatCon) movement, explicitly seeks to rehabilitate nationalism as a positive force. His book, The Virtue of Nationalism, argues for a world of independent, self-determining nation-states, defined by shared language, laws, and religious traditions, and rooted in the Hebrew Bible's concept of national covenants.
Anti-imperialist, yet exclusionary. Hazony frames nationalism as an anti-imperialist alternative to universalist and internationalist ideologies, which he views as forms of domination (e.g., the EU as German imperialism). However, his vision of a "majority nation whose cultural dominance is plain and unquestioned" is inherently exclusionary, often downplaying the historical realities of ethnic nationalism and ignoring the plight of minority groups like Palestinians.
Mainstreaming the movement. NatCon conferences, supported by figures like Peter Thiel and mainstream conservatives like Christopher DeMuth, became a crucial platform for the New Right. These events brought together diverse factions, including Claremonters and Postliberals, to articulate a shared vision of a Christian, mostly white, socially conservative America. The movement gained significant traction when Donald Trump openly embraced the "nationalist" label, signaling a decisive shift in the Republican Party's identity.
5. The Hard Right: Normalizing Extremism, Misogyny, and White Nationalism
The alt-right is not stupid; it is deep. Its ideas are not ridiculous; they are serious.
From fringe to mainstream. The Trump era saw the "alt-right" and its successor, the "Hard Right," move from the fringes to exert significant influence within the GOP. Figures like Steve Bannon, Stephen Miller, and Richard Spencer, with their backgrounds in white nationalism, anti-immigration activism, and "identitarian" philosophy, found a platform in the administration and allied media.
Intellectual roots of extremism:
- Paul Gottfried: A paleoconservative who coined "alt-right" and hosted conferences featuring white nationalists.
- Curtis Yarvin ("Mencius Moldbug"): A "techno-monarchist" who popularized "red pill" memes and the concept of "the Cathedral" (liberal institutions).
- Costin Alamariu ("Bronze Age Pervert"): A Yale PhD whose book Bronze Age Mindset promotes hypermasculinity, misogyny, and a "Longhouse" theory of female-dominated society, while flirting with fascist aesthetics.
Normalization tactics. The Hard Right skillfully uses irony, pseudonyms, and academic credentials to cloak its radicalism. Their rhetoric, often steeped in conspiracism (e.g., "The Great Reset") and dehumanizing language ("bugmen," "unhumans"), aims to "red-pill" young men and justify a "total war" against perceived liberal enemies, while simultaneously denying overt racism or fascism when convenient.
6. "Stop the Steal": The New Right's Assault on Democratic Institutions
The illegality of the plan was obvious.
The "coup memos." John C. Eastman, a Claremont Institute director and law professor, became central to efforts to overturn the 2020 election. His "coup memos" provided a veneer of legal legitimacy for Vice President Pence to reject electoral votes, based on false claims of widespread voter fraud. This plan, which lacked any legal basis, was a direct assault on the peaceful transfer of power.
Claremont's complicity. The Claremont Institute actively promoted the "Big Lie" and a false narrative of a "Biden coup" in the months leading up to January 6, 2021. Their publications, like American Mind, published articles by Michael Anton and others, calling for a "Stop the Steal" campaign and urging conservatives to "fight" against a supposedly stolen election. This rhetoric directly fueled the anger and delusion that led to the Capitol attack.
A "New Lost Cause." In the aftermath of January 6, many New Right figures, including Claremont's Charles Kesler, downplayed the violence and continued to peddle election lies, reframing the events as a "New Lost Cause" – a heroic struggle against a corrupt system. This demonstrated a profound failure of prudence and judgment, prioritizing ideological loyalty over democratic principles and factual accuracy, and further cementing the movement's antidemocratic tendencies.
7. "Patriotic Education": Laying Siege to American Schools and Universities
The president at the White House, it’s within their authority and power to immediately issue an executive order abolishing critical race theory trainings from the federal government.
The anti-CRT campaign. Christopher Rufo, a conservative activist, spearheaded a highly effective "propaganda war" against "critical race theory" (CRT). He deliberately turned CRT into a toxic, catch-all term to demonize antiracist education and diversity initiatives in public institutions. This campaign led to President Trump's Executive Order 13950, banning "divisive concepts" in federal training, and inspired widespread anti-CRT legislation in red states.
Hillsdale's role. Hillsdale College, under President Larry Arnn, became a key player in this "patriotic education" movement. Arnn chaired Trump's 1776 Commission, which produced a report that whitewashed American history, downplayed slavery, and equated contemporary identity politics with John C. Calhoun's defense of slavery. Hillsdale also launched its own "1776 Curriculum" for K-12 schools, promoting a "feel-good", uncritical version of American history.
Laying siege to institutions. The anti-CRT campaign expanded into broader attacks on "woke capitalism" and public education. Ron DeSantis, a leading New Right governor, enacted aggressive "antiwoke" legislation, including the "Stop WOKE Act" and "Don't Say Gay" bill, and initiated a takeover of New College, Florida, to transform it into a "Hillsdale of the South." This strategy, termed "laying siege to the institutions," aims to dismantle liberal structures and replace them with conservative moral frameworks.
8. "The End of Men": Masculinist Furies and the Culture War's Dark Turn
Testosterone levels in American men are collapsing. Fertility is in decline. Is this the end of men?
The Manosphere's influence. Tucker Carlson's documentary "The End of Men" exemplified the New Right's embrace of extreme misogyny and "bro science." Featuring figures like "Raw Egg Nationalist" (REN), the film linked declining male health to "soy globalism" and a "gynocratic" society, promoting a conspiratorial narrative of globalist plots to weaken men. REN's connections to openly fascist publishers like Antelope Hill Publishing highlighted the movement's descent into overt extremism.
BAPism goes mainstream. Costin Alamariu, aka "Bronze Age Pervert," gained significant mainstream attention, with his dissertation on "selective breeding" and "the birth of philosophy" being self-published and celebrated. His work, steeped in pagan vitalism and contempt for "the Longhouse" (feminine-dominated society), resonated with a segment of the Hard Right and even some on the far left, demonstrating the "horseshoe theory" in action.
Masculinist Furies in politics. The New Right's obsession with masculinity and traditional gender roles intensified, culminating in the 2024 election. JD Vance, Trump's running mate, frequently deployed misogynistic rhetoric, echoing BAP's ideas about "childless cat ladies." The attempted assassination of Trump, and his defiant "FIGHT!" response, further fueled this masculinist fervor, with some New Right figures blaming "woke" DEI initiatives and female Secret Service agents for the security lapse.
9. Christian Nationalism: A Spiritual Battle for American Dominance
We are a nation subservient to Him. The reason that we became the great nation that we did, as everybody on this call knows, was because that was the foundation, that we hold truths to be self-evident, because God created us all equally and gave us our rights.
A "Christian nation" narrative. Mike Johnson, upon becoming Speaker of the House, openly articulated a Christian nationalist vision, asserting that America was founded as a "nation subservient to Him" and is at a "civilizational moment" requiring divine intervention. This "Christian Founding Era" (CFE) doctrine, pervasive on the right, selectively interprets history to claim America's distinctly Christian origins and identity, often rejecting the founders' commitment to religious pluralism.
Charismatic revivalism. Beyond CFE doctrine, the independent Charismatic network, a rapidly growing segment of American Christianity, played a crucial role in Trump's rise. Leaders like Paula White and Jim Garlow, through modern-day prophecies (e.g., Trump as Cyrus) and "spiritual warfare," provided a permission structure for evangelicals to support Trump, viewing him as a divine vessel to restore America's Christian foundations. This movement advocates for pervasive Christian political and cultural "dominion" over society.
Calvinist extremism. Stephen Wolfe's The Case for Christian Nationalism offers a highly cerebral, Calvinist defense of Christian nationalism. While distinct from Charismatic revivalism, Wolfe's work, published by a Christian Reconstructionist press, advocates for a "self-consciously Christian" nation, patriarchal politics, and a "Christian Prince" to lead a "revolution" against the "gynocracy" of the liberal regime. His ideas, like those of other Christian nationalists, reject church-state separation and seek to impose a monolithic Christian moral order.
10. The New Right's "Ideas First" Pathology: Grand Abstractions and Ruthless Tactics
The madman is not the man who has lost his reason. The madman is the man who has lost everything except his reason.
Abstract dogmatism. The New Right is characterized by an "Ideas First" approach, where abstract philosophical concepts and ideological purity often take precedence over empirical reality, historical nuance, or practical consequences. This leads to a dogmatic insistence on singular "truths" about morality, history, and human nature, dismissing any dissenting views as "nihilistic" or "satanic."
Monomania and catastrophism. Across its factions, the New Right exhibits monomania, reducing complex societal problems to single culprits (e.g., "liberalism," "wokeness," "globalism") and framing political struggles as existential, "civilizational" crises. This catastrophizing rhetoric, exemplified by "Flight 93 Election" and "Red Caesarism," justifies radical, all-or-nothing tactics and a willingness to "smash" institutions.
Strategic dishonesty. The movement frequently employs sophistry, context collapse, and selective disclosure to advance its agenda. From distorting Lincoln's words to justify nativism, to fabricating "Biden coup" narratives, to whitewashing fascist connections, the New Right demonstrates a ruthless pragmatism where "Machiavellian means" are justified by supposedly "Aristotelian ends," prioritizing political victory over intellectual integrity or democratic norms.
11. Liberalism's Vulnerabilities and the Urgent Call for Reinvention
The protections of those rights and freedoms can no longer be assumed.
Liberal blind spots. The rise of the New Right exposed significant vulnerabilities in mainstream liberalism. Liberals, often caught off-guard by the movement's extremism, have struggled to articulate a compelling vision beyond minimalist self-understanding and procedural neutrality. Their "hyperrationalism" and "wonkish" approach often fail to address the "archaic aspects of politics" like anger, hatred, and the human yearning for meaning and belonging that the New Right so effectively exploits.
The need for a liberal renaissance. The author argues for a "liberal renaissance and reinvention" that acknowledges liberalism's inherent values (truth, liberty, happiness) and actively cultivates the moral worlds and traditions that sustain society. This requires:
- Articulating core ideals: Clearly communicating what liberalism values and why, in accessible language.
- Embracing pluralism: Cultivating a "hardened but steadfast toleration" for diverse, even offensive, worldviews, while maintaining intellectual integrity.
- Addressing real problems: Engaging with issues like economic inequality, social malaise, and the "crisis of masculinity" with ambition and ethical resolve.
A path forward. A "hybrid" patriotic education, a revitalization of public institutions, and a commitment to humanistic education can serve as ramparts against extremism. The author suggests that liberals must shed their "tepid intellectual reserve" and fight for their aspirations, recognizing that ideas and principles matter greatly, and that a truly diverse future requires active cultivation and defense against those who would impose a monolithic order.
Last updated:
Similar Books
Immersive
