Outclassed

1. Class Blindness Fuels America's Political Divide

Class is as inescapable in America as race; overcoming class blindness requires that you understand the power of class in American society and politics.

Unseen divisions. The author's personal journey reveals how social class profoundly shapes everything from daily habits to life's purpose, yet it often remains invisible to those with privilege. This "class blindness" is as detrimental as "color-blindness," hindering our ability to understand societal dynamics. Americans are surprisingly adept at discerning social class from just a few spoken words, highlighting its pervasive influence.

The diploma divide. A significant and growing chasm exists between college-educated and non-college-educated Americans, particularly among whites. This "diploma divide" is evident in voting patterns, with Democrats increasingly winning in higher-income, college-educated districts, while Republicans gain ground among less affluent, non-college voters. This shift is not just an American phenomenon but a transnational trend, seen in the rise of far-right populism across Europe.

Beyond economics. Class shapes not only economic outcomes but also cultural values, traditions, and perceptions of the world. Overcoming class blindness requires recognizing these "parallel universes" where different groups define success, morality, and purpose in distinct ways. Ignoring these deep-seated differences prevents effective political engagement and fuels the very divisions that far-right populism exploits.

2. Neoliberalism Gutted the Middle Class, Sparking Populist Rage

Sharp increases in inequality have been accompanied by decreasing rates of support for Democrats among both white and nonwhite noncollege voters—despite the fact that far-right policies exacerbate inequality.

Economic betrayal. The rise of far-right populism is rooted in neoliberal policies—free trade, outsourcing, deregulation—that dominated American politics since the 1990s. This consensus, embraced by both parties, led to:

• Productivity growing eight times faster than wages (1979-2013).
• A quarter of routine white- and blue-collar jobs disappearing.
• The US becoming the most unequal developed country.
• The "great risk shift" where employers offloaded risks onto workers.

Precarity, not poverty. What drives populism is not absolute poverty, but economic precarity—the anxiety of middle-status workers in routine jobs watching their futures erode. These are the truck drivers married to cashiers, worried about automation and the hollowing out of the middle class. They feel left behind, not just economically, but in dignity and opportunity, leading to widespread anger.

Revolt of the regions. Neoliberalism also fueled inequality between regions, concentrating wealth in a few "winner-take-all" cities while deindustrializing the Rust Belt and rural areas. This created a "representation gap" where neither party addressed the needs of these left-behind communities. Donald Trump, by breaking with traditional Republican stances on entitlements and free trade, tapped into this anger, promising to "Make America Great Again" and smash the neoliberal consensus.

3. The Far Right Weaponizes Class-Based Cultural Differences

The Far Right foregrounds real class cultural inequalities in order to obscure real economic ones.

Culture as class conflict. Culture wars are not separate from class conflict; they are an expression of it. Beyond subsistence, class conflicts reflect a "scrum for social honor." The Far Right deftly manipulates these cultural differences, weaponizing them to deflect anger from economic elites onto cultural elites, immigrants, and people of color.

Dignity gap. Non-college-educated Americans have experienced a significant loss of status, recognition, and social honor. This "dignity gap" is as large as the gap between employed and unemployed individuals. The Far Right connects with these voters by:

• Expressing anger against elites.
• Standing up for traditional institutions (morality, religion, military, traditional gender roles).
• Adopting blue-collar talk traditions.
• Stressing hard-work worship and respect for small business.
• Tapping into manliness.

Parallel universes. Elites and non-elites inhabit different cultural universes. Elites pride themselves on "merit," novelty, and self-actualization, often dismissing non-elite values as unsophisticated. Non-elites, lacking economic and cultural capital, emphasize social ties and "moral capital," valuing stability, self-regulation, and straight talk. This clash of values is fertile ground for culture wars.

4. Non-Elites Cherish Traditional Institutions and Masculinities

To maintain some sense of personal dignity, lower-middle-class families emphasize the moral and social capital they have rather than economic or cultural capital they lack.

Moral order and stability. Lower-middle-class families prioritize "keeping the world in moral order," valuing responsibility, self-discipline, and stability. This contrasts with elites' focus on expressive independence and novelty. For non-elites, who face precarious economic conditions and fewer second chances, change often signifies loss, making stability a paramount virtue.

Hard-work worship. Non-elites derive dignity from hard work, seeing it as a moral imperative and a source of self-esteem, even in repetitive or demeaning jobs. This "hard-work worship" influences attitudes toward redistribution, with majorities of all racial groups supporting work requirements for food stamps. The Far Right exploits this by portraying welfare recipients or government workers as lazy, redirecting anger away from corporate elites.

Anchors of self-regulation. Traditional institutions like the military and religion offer crucial support for self-discipline and social honor. The military provides steady jobs, benefits, and a path to respect for those without college degrees, acting as a "reset button" for youth. Religion offers community, tangible assistance, and an alternative source of status, helping individuals maintain self-worth and cope with adversity in a society that often devalues them.

5. Elite Condescension and "Woke" Language Alienate Working-Class Voters

Calling something a grievance is a rhetorical maneuver that enables you to refuse to engage with the legitimacy of the demand on the grounds that it’s being expressed in the wrong tone of voice.

Dismissing legitimate anger. When progressives label non-elite anger as "grievance politics," they employ a rhetorical tactic that dominant groups use to silence subordinate groups. This dismisses legitimate economic and social anxieties by focusing on the "tone of voice" rather than the substance of the concerns, reinforcing the narrative that liberals look down on working-class people.

The "deplorables" narrative. Elite common sense often translates class privilege into moral superiority, leading to stereotypes of non-elites as "stupid," "ignorant," or "racist." This condescension, exemplified by terms like "deplorables" or "bitter clingers," is easily weaponized by the Far Right. Fox News, for instance, actively cultivates a "blue-collar confrontative style" to connect emotionally with audiences who feel belittled by liberal elites.

Language policing. Progressive specialized language, like "Latinx" or "care work," while often well-intentioned to deconstruct power hierarchies, can be perceived by non-elites as "sophistry" or "upper-class affectation." This "language policing" reinforces the Far Right's narrative that liberals are out of touch, elitist, and more concerned with abstract concepts than with the practical realities of working people's lives.

6. Racism is a White Problem, Not Just a Working-Class One

Racism is a white people problem—not a working-class problem.

Pervasive, not class-exclusive. Racism is deeply embedded across all social classes in America, not solely a characteristic of the white working class. However, the style of racism differs:

• College-educated whites, who value merit, often perceive people of color as lacking in merit.
• Non-college-educated whites, who value morality, may perceive people of color as lacking in moral character.

Regression confusion. Studies showing a strong correlation between racism and Trump voting often lead to "regression confusion"—the mistaken assumption that all Trump voters are primarily motivated by racism. While a segment of "American preservationists" is indeed deeply racist, Trump also attracts a larger group of "anti-elites" whose racial attitudes are moderate. The Far Right intentionally uses racism as a "divide and conquer" strategy, pitting white and non-white non-elites against each other to protect elite power.

Beyond racial resentment. The most common measure of racism in political science, the "racial resentment scale," primarily captures whether one attributes Black disadvantage to individual or structural reasons. Non-elites, including many whites, often embrace individualistic explanations for poverty, even for themselves. This "blame-the-victim" narrative, while problematic, is not exclusively racist when applied across racial lines, but rather a class dynamic rooted in the value of self-reliance.

7. Public Policy Often Reflects Elite Biases, Hurting Everyone

Elites’ extreme risk aversion can distort public policy in ways large and small.

Supersafeism's costs. Elite anxieties, particularly among college-educated Americans, often manifest as "supersafeism"—an unrealistic insistence on eliminating all risks. This bias distorted the US Covid response, leading to:

• Overly pessimistic media coverage compared to other countries.
• Longer school closures in blue states, disproportionately harming low-income students and minorities.
• Lower vaccination rates due to politicization and distrust.
  This approach, driven by elite fears, ultimately led to worse health and economic outcomes for many.

Playground paradox. Even seemingly minor policy decisions, like playground design, reflect elite risk aversion. Modern US playgrounds, stripped of "risky play" elements like merry-go-rounds, ironically lead to more injuries and hinder child development. This reflects the "concerted cultivation" parenting style of elites, who, driven by fear of their children "falling" in a winner-take-all economy, over-protect and over-schedule their kids.

Redistribution vs. predistribution. Elite policy preferences often diverge from those of the Missing Middle. While liberals favor government redistribution (e.g., UBI, means-tested programs), non-elites strongly prefer "predistribution"—labor market interventions that ensure good jobs and fair wages. Means-tested programs, designed to "target the most vulnerable," often create stigma and political opposition, pitting "have-a-littles" against "have-nots," and ultimately undermining support for social safety nets.

8. The Left Must Reclaim Economic Patriotism and Anti-Elitism

The Far Right’s formula has been to listen and then provide an explanation for the flood of pain and frustration it hears.

Ceding anti-elitism. The Far Right has effectively monopolized anti-elitist rhetoric, with figures like Tucker Carlson constantly framing issues as "ruling class" plots. Democrats, by contrast, have often shied away from critiquing economic elites, fearing alienation of Wall Street donors. This political malpractice leaves a vacuum, allowing the Far Right to redirect legitimate anger away from corporate greed and towards cultural and political elites.

The "race-class narrative." To counter this, the Left needs a powerful alternative: the "race-class narrative." This strategy involves:

• Demanding government action for economic opportunity and stability for all Americans.
• Calling out "wealthy special interests who rig the rules" and sow division.
• Inviting working people across racial lines to unite against greedy elites.
  This approach acknowledges economic pain, identifies the true culprits, and builds solidarity, rather than falling into the Far Right's "racism-as-bait" trap.

Economic patriotism. Messaging should focus on "economic patriotism," emphasizing the need to rebuild American industry, create good jobs at home, and ensure that hard work pays off. This resonates with non-elites' place loyalty and hard-work worship. By linking the economic woes of the Missing Middle with those of frustrated Gen Z college grads struggling with housing and job security, the Left can forge a broad, multiracial coalition demanding an economy that works for everyone.

9. Effective Persuasion Requires Speaking to Shared Values, Not Just Facts

The best way to persuade people is to use their native tongue—and to communicate respect.

Gay marriage's lesson. The successful fight for gay marriage offers a powerful template for progressive change. Instead of solely relying on "rights talk" or abstract equality arguments, movement leaders listened to non-elites and reframed the issue around shared values like "love, commitment, fairness, and freedom." They used "journey stories" from respected figures (clergy, grandparents) to build empathy and demonstrate that gay relationships embodied traditional family values.

Moral foundations theory. Jonathan Haidt's work explains this success: liberals' morality often centers on individualizing foundations (fairness, autonomy, protecting the vulnerable), while conservatives' morality is built on binding foundations (loyalty, authority, purity, tradition). Effective persuasion requires speaking to the audience's "native tongue"—their moral intuitions—rather than imposing one's own.

Beyond facts and logic. While elites value facts and logic, non-elites often prioritize sincerity, directness, and practical knowledge. Political hobbyism, prevalent among college-educated whites, often turns politics into a moral drama, fueling outrage rather than effective action. To build cross-class coalitions, progressives must:

• Adopt culturally competent language and styles (e.g., "straight talk," humor, sincerity).
• Avoid condescension and "woke" language that alienates.
• Focus on practical problem-solving and shared aspirations for a stable, dignified life.

10. Deploy Alternative Masculinities to Win Over Men

The only effective antidotes to claims of masculinity are competing claims of masculinity.

Masculinity as political terrain. Masculinity is a powerful, often uncontested, political terrain currently dominated by the Far Right. Figures like Trump embody "bad-but-bold" masculinity, appealing to men's desire for control and status in an era of economic anxiety. The Left's failure to engage with this dynamic leaves a significant portion of the male electorate vulnerable to populist strongmen.

Honorable masculinities. The Portuguese Rear Admiral Henrique Gouveia e Melo's success in leading Portugal's Covid vaccination drive demonstrates the power of deploying alternative, honorable masculinities. By embodying the "military man"—apolitical, competent, protective, and direct—he effectively countered anti-vax conspiracy theories and achieved high vaccination rates. This contrasts with the "expert" masculinity of figures like Dr. Fauci, which can trigger class resentment.

Decent Guy masculinity. Democrats like Tim Walz and John Fetterman offer models of "Decent Guy" masculinity that resonate with working-class men. They:

• Embrace blue-collar talk traditions (e.g., "Fix the damn roads," "Mind your own damn business").
• Display authenticity (flannel shirts, tattoos).
• Show competence in traditional male roles (football coach, military leader).
• Focus on providing and protecting family and community.
  This approach counters the Far Right's "bad-but-bold" by ridiculing it as "weird" or "whining," while offering a respected, attainable masculine ideal.

11. Frame Climate Action as Job Creation and Health, Not Just Crisis

Elites are talking about the end of the world; we are talking about the end of the month.

Beyond "polar bearsy" policies. Climate change has become a culture-war issue in the US, partly because early policy approaches (carbon taxes, cap-and-trade) were easily caricatured as "more taxes, fewer jobs." This alienated non-elites who prioritize economic stability. Elites' "eco-consumerism" (Teslas, Whole Foods) further reinforces the perception that environmentalism is a luxury for the rich.

Rewiring America for jobs. The Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) offers a new blueprint: framing climate action as "rewiring America" to create millions of new, blue-collar jobs. This "economic patriotism" intertwines climate goals with workers' desire for stable, family-sustaining employment. Messaging should highlight:

• Job creation in wind turbine technology, solar installation, and manufacturing.
• Benefits to communities dependent on fossil fuels.
• The need to compete with China in clean energy.

Health and local benefits. Environmentalists should connect climate action to tangible, local benefits that resonate with non-elites:

• Cleaning up pollution, leading to lower rates of asthma, heart attacks, and strokes.
• Protecting local land and resources (e.g., wildlife corridors, preventing floods).
• Addressing the health impacts of "extreme weather" on blue-collar jobs.
• Household savings from all-electric economies.
  Avoid alarmist "climate crisis" language and "climate denier" insults, which are perceived as condescending and counterproductive.

12. Demography Isn't Destiny: People of Color Aren't Monolithic Progressives

For me, the choice … is between maintaining democracy and eroding it, between defending bodily autonomy and surrendering it, between racism and egalitarianism. But I’m careful not to project my framing onto other Black people, careful not to assume that my priorities are theirs.

Beyond assumptions. Progressives often assume all people of color are uniformly liberal, but this is a flawed assumption. Polling reveals significant conservatism among Black and Latino voters on issues like:

• Climate change (Black voters).
• Religion and social issues (Black and Latino voters).
• Defunding the police (Black voters prioritize crime reduction).
• Immigration (many Latinos support border security).
• Economic management and hard work (Latinos often trust Republicans more).

Class and generation matter. The "diploma divide" exists within communities of color, with non-college-educated individuals often more conservative than their college-educated counterparts. Generational shifts are also evident, with younger Black and third-generation Latino voters showing increased Republican leanings. This complexity means that a "one-size-fits-all" progressive message will fail.

Multiracial whiteness. The Far Right successfully builds "multiracial whiteness" by appealing to people of color whose survival strategy involves aligning with the majority. Trump's "bad-but-bold" masculinity, for example, resonates with some Black and Latino men. To counter this, Democrats must:

• Build lasting relationships and "show up" in communities of color.
• Emphasize shared working-class values (hard work, family, patriotism).
• Frame issues like immigration around economic contributions and assimilation, not just diversity.
• Address economic anxieties directly, rather than relying solely on racial justice rhetoric.

Last updated: November 23, 2025