Wobblies and Zapatistas

1. Zapatismo: A New Synthesis from Below

It combines Marxist analysis of the dynamics of capitalism with a traditional spirituality, whether Native American or Christian, or a combination of the two.

Emergence in Chiapas. Zapatismo, born in 1994 Chiapas, represents a groundbreaking fusion of Marxist and anarchist traditions. This movement arose from the indigenous Mayan communities' struggle for land rights, triggered by NAFTA's threat to communal ejidos, and was deeply influenced by liberation theology. It offered a "fresh synthesis" for rebels worldwide.

Lead by obeying. A core principle of Zapatismo is mandar obedeciendo ("to lead by obeying"), where leaders are instructed delegates accountable to village assemblies. This contrasts sharply with traditional vanguardism, emphasizing decentralized, horizontal networks of self-activity. Delegates must return to their constituents for new instructions, ensuring grassroots control.

Beyond state power. Subcomandante Marcos explicitly rejected seizing state power, instead aiming to create space for a democratic Mexico from below. This strategy encourages building a qualitatively different society here and now, inspiring a global anti-globalization movement by affirming that "another world is possible."

2. Marxism and Anarchism: Two Hands of Transformation

What is Marxism? It is an effort to understand the structure of the society in which we live so as to make informed predictions and to act with greater effect. What is anarchism? It is the attempt to imagine a better society and insofar as possible to “prefigure,” to anticipate that society by beginning to live it out, on the ground, here and now.

Two indispensable hands. Marxism and anarchism, often seen as rivals, are presented as complementary forces essential for societal transformation. Marxism provides the analytical framework to understand capitalism's structure and dynamics, while anarchism offers the vision and practical methods to prefigure a better world. Both are needed, like having two hands for a task.

Historical attempts. The "Haymarket synthesis" in 19th-century Chicago exemplified this fusion, with anarchists like Albert Parsons and August Spies, who identified as "socialists of the anarchist type," advocating for direct action and militant trade unions as "living germs of a new social order." They believed in liberating society from all state control, whether capitalist or socialist.

Wobblies' legacy. The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), or Wobblies, continued this tradition, uniting diverse workers under the banner of "one big union" to abolish the wage system and build a new society within the old. Their culture of solidarity, direct action, and fierce contestation of hierarchical leadership, as seen in their famous declaration "We are all leaders," resonates with contemporary movements.

3. Guerrilla History: Learning from the Struggle's Front Lines

The point about guerrilla history is that one begins with the situation of the worker, the prisoner, or whoever the poor and oppressed person is in a particular situation, NOT with the existential dilemma of the radical intellectual.

History from below. Guerrilla history is a form of "history from the bottom up," carried on by the working-class activists and intellectuals whom academics often view as mere subjects. It emphasizes that people in struggle need to do history themselves, evaluating actions and planning future steps, rather than waiting for external interpretation.

Oral tradition. This approach often relies on oral history, where shared experiences and testimonies form the primary sources. It prioritizes direct accounts from participants, recognizing that those directly involved may understand events more profoundly than academic historians. This is akin to the "co-research" or "militant investigation" practices of contemporary radical collectives.

Assisting, not leading. The role of the radical intellectual in guerrilla history is to assist—as a sympathetic listener, transcriber, editor, or presenter—rather than to impose a narrative. It's about walking together, confronting challenges side-by-side, and ensuring that the history serves the needs of the struggling community.

4. Accompaniment: Walking Alongside, Not Leading From Above

The key is to acquire a skill useful to poor and working persons. Armed with such a skill, just behave as a moderately decent human being and “accompaniment” will be a piece of cake.

A mutual journey. Accompaniment, a concept drawn from Latin American liberation theology, means walking side-by-side with the poor and oppressed, offering useful skills, and learning from their experiences. It's a relationship of equality, where university-trained individuals contribute formal skills and activists contribute rich lived experience.

Beyond deference. This approach rejects both paternalism and uncritical deference. Archbishop Oscar Romero emphasized that accompaniment does not mean "blind partiality" or endorsing all beliefs of the poor, but rather supporting their just aims while maintaining critical integrity. It's about shared struggle, not unthinking subservience.

Practical application. The author's experience as a lawyer for rank-and-file workers and prisoners exemplifies accompaniment. By providing legal aid, he became a trusted comrade, demonstrating that professional skills can bridge class divides and foster genuine solidarity. This mutual aid builds trust and friendship organically.

5. Direct Action: The Imperative of Living Your Beliefs

Start doing the things you think should be done. Start being what you think society should become.

Self-evident practice. Direct action means practicing what one preaches, actively engaging with the world to bring about change where means and ends become indistinguishable. It's about immediate, personal engagement, as exemplified by Thoreau's civil disobedience or everyday acts of resistance.

Theory from practice. The relationship between direct action and theory is crucial: theory should arise from multifarious activities, not precede them. The New Left's struggle with "pop Leftist" theories highlighted the need for homegrown, close-to-the-earth theory that evolves directly from organizing experiences, like Myles Horton's Highlander education or Ella Baker's organizing principles.

Beyond apocalyptic events. While large-scale confrontations like Seattle 1999 can be powerful "learning experiences in prefigurative politics," they must be integrated into continuous local involvement. The challenge is to avoid post-demonstration depression and translate energy from "mega-confrontations" into sustained, day-to-day organizing at the base.

6. The Working Class: A Mighty Force for Change, Not the Only One

In other words, workers are a mighty force that can heave the world forward toward a new day, but they are only one such force.

Beyond reductionism. While the working class is a powerful agent for change, it is not the sole revolutionary force. The movement must recognize the contributions of other groups—prisoners, students, farmers, women, African Americans—and build broad, inclusive coalitions.

Solidarity unionism. This concept advocates for workers to rely primarily on each other and collective direct action, rather than solely on laws, government agencies, or distant unions. It challenges traditional unionism's tendency to surrender "management prerogative" and workers' right to collective direct action.

Overcoming divisions. The working class, despite internal contradictions and historical racism, possesses a unique virtue: the capacity for solidarity that prefigures a better world. Examples like interracial cooperation in the IWW or among Lucasville prisoners demonstrate that common oppression can overcome race and gender differences.

7. Intellectuals' Role: From Ivory Tower to Useful Skills

I challenge it and reject it. Let them follow Marcos to the jungles of Chiapas in their own countries, and learn something new.

Critique of abstract theory. The author expresses strong skepticism towards academic "high theory" that is unintelligible, disconnected from practice, and serves primarily to rationalize comfortable academic positions. He challenges intellectuals to engage directly with movements and produce theory that is useful and arises from lived experience.

Learning from the ground. The Zapatista experience is presented as a paradigm: Marxists from Mexico City gave up academic affiliations to live and learn among Mayan communities for a decade. This immersion led to a profound synthesis of ideas, demonstrating that genuine understanding and revolutionary strategy emerge from humility and direct engagement, not solely from university libraries.

Beyond scholarly isolation. The author, drawing on his own journey from academic historian to lawyer for the poor, argues that intellectuals need not remain confined to universities to contribute meaningfully. He highlights E.P. Thompson's work as a tutor and Howard Zinn's indifference to academia as examples of scholars deeply immersed in working-class life and movements.

8. Dual Power: Building New Institutions Within the Old

No real revolution has ever taken place—whether in America in 1776, France in 1789, Russia in 1917, China in 1949—without ad hoc popular institutions improvised from below simply beginning to administer power in place of the institutions previously recognized as legitimate. That is what a revolution is.

Revolution from below. Revolutions are characterized by the emergence of "dual power," where self-acting popular institutions (like committees of correspondence, soviets, or village assemblies) begin to administer power, confronting the traditional state. This process is not a single cataclysmic break but an "unending creation of self-acting entities."

Burnham's dilemma. The challenge, known as "Burnham's dilemma," is how socialist institutions can develop within capitalism, unlike how bourgeois institutions (guilds, banks) developed within feudalism. The answer lies in nurturing a horizontal network of self-governing institutions "down below," to which state power must eventually become obedient.

Prefiguring the future. These "experiments in government from below," though often short-lived or "drowned in blood," are imperishable victories. They provide concrete experiences of a better world, allowing people to "hunger and thirst for something new and different" that they have already tasted, as seen in the Freedom School Convention or the Workers' Solidarity Club.

9. Nonviolent Civil Disobedience: A Powerful Path to Fundamental Change

First of all, I submit that nonviolent civil disobedience has brought about change at least as fundamental as change engineered by violence.

Beyond terrorist violence. The author critically assesses different forms of self-sacrifice, arguing that indiscriminate violence against civilians (terrorist violence) is ethically indefensible and demonstrably ineffective. He contrasts this with nonviolent self-destruction, exemplified by Norman Morrison, as a profoundly impactful and ethically superior form of protest.

Historical impact. Nonviolent civil disobedience has achieved fundamental change, as seen in the collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the transformation of South Africa. It is suggested that future generations may view Gandhi and Dr. King as more significant figures than Hitler or Oppenheimer, recognizing the power of massive nonviolent action.

The two hands. Barbara Deming's concept of "the two hands" illustrates nonviolence's dual function: simultaneously obstructing the adversary and making it difficult for them to retaliate with full force. This approach, while acknowledging potential casualties, aims to reduce overall violence and foster dialogue, as demonstrated by David Dellinger's prison experiences.

10. Internationalism of the Heart: My Country is the World

The world is my country, all mankind my countrymen.

Beyond abstract internationalism. The author critiques an abstract internationalism that rejects all national identity, instead advocating for an "internationalism of the heart." This perspective recognizes that while people are rooted in families, languages, and communities, they can also find common ground and solidarity across borders.

Historical echoes. The phrase "My country is the world" has a rich history, from Thomas Paine's revolutionary declaration to William Lloyd Garrison's abolitionist masthead and Albert Parsons' final words before execution. It signifies a patriotism that extends beyond state boundaries to embrace all humanity.

Glimpses of solidarity. Personal experiences, like learning Irish revolutionary songs as a child or witnessing the deep solidarity in Central America, shaped this view. The story of Joe Hill being recognized as a "Palestinian" in the Golan Heights illustrates how shared struggle transcends national and ethnic labels, fostering a profound sense of global kinship.

11. Rebuilding the Movement: Nurturing Seeds Beneath the Snow

Seeds beneath the snow is therefore just the right metaphor for organizing in such circumstances. The activist should concentrate on bringing together individuals who can be honest and direct with one another in cooperatively seeking common goals.

Learning from past mistakes. The movement of the 1960s, despite its courage, often faltered due to a lack of clear strategy, post-demonstration depression, and an inability to translate large-scale protests into sustained local organizing. The new movement must learn to avoid these pitfalls, integrating "summit hopping" with continuous grassroots work.

Organic growth. "Seeds beneath the snow" is a metaphor for the prefigurative civic activity that exists beneath the surface of conventional politics. In brutalized societies, small projects emerge like "bright green shoots." Organizing should focus on nurturing these organic growths, bringing together individuals to cooperatively seek common goals, rather than imposing rigid "high theory."

Organizing as synthesis. Effective organizing combines personal self-expression with thoughtful appeal to the interests of others. It means listening first, supporting local leaders (like veterans or workers), and building trust across divides of military experience, class, gender, and race. This approach fosters "small victories" that build momentum for larger transformations.

12. Rights and Law: Hard-Won Tools, Not Bourgeois Fetishes

People who would casually dismiss or do away with the rights for which heroes like John Lilburne struggled lack a sense of history, and a proper humility toward those who went before us on the path.

Beyond simplistic dismissal. While law can be a tool of oppression, dismissing all "rights" as intrinsically corrupt bourgeois impositions is historically myopic. Fundamental rights like habeas corpus, fought for by figures like John Lilburne, are crucial protections against state power and would be desirable in any just society.

Critical legal engagement. The author, as a practicing lawyer, critiques "critical legal studies" for often being unintelligible and for "throwing out the baby with the bath" by attacking legal discourse itself. He argues that lawyers' primary betrayal is often in manipulating facts, not just abstractions. Legal activity, when combined with direct action, can be a powerful tool for change.

Lawyer-client collaboration. The ideal is a collaborative relationship where lawyers and clients work together, with the lawyer emphasizing the significance of facts and the client's superior knowledge of them. This approach, exemplified in struggles for steelworkers' benefits or prisoners' rights, demonstrates how legal tools can be used to achieve humane objectives and raise consciousness.

Last updated: March 15, 2026