Unholy

1. The alliance between Trump and white evangelicals is rooted in a shared desire for a strongman, not a moral exemplar

Trump might not be able to correctly cite a single Bible verse, but his fearless, impulsive campaign was, after years of spineless establishment Republicans, finally putting political correctness in its place.

A transactional illusion. Many observers dismiss the evangelical embrace of Donald Trump as mere hypocrisy, assuming they traded their moral principles for political power. However, this transactional explanation ignores a deeper, emotional bond. Trump is idolized not because he is pious, but because he acts as a fearless strongman willing to fight their cultural battles.

The strongman appeal. For decades, conservative Christians felt betrayed by "establishment" politicians who failed to stop the expansion of progressive social changes. In Trump, they found a leader unbowed by political correctness, willing to aggressively attack their perceived enemies.

• He speaks the language of lost domination and grievance.
• He promises to restore white Christians to their rightful place.
• He is viewed as a "Cyrus" figure—an ungodly instrument chosen by God.

A theological shift. This relationship represents a profound shift from the era of the "values voter" to the era of the "Trump voter." Personal piety and biblical literacy are no longer litmus tests for leadership. Instead, raw power and a willingness to destroy the liberal order have become the ultimate spiritual virtues.

2. The Christian Right was born out of racial grievances and school segregation, not abortion

On the surface, the Christian right is saturated with rhetoric about “faith” and “values.” Its real driving force, though, was not religion but grievances over school desegregation, women’s rights, LGBTQ rights, affirmative action, and more.

The founding myth. The conventional narrative of the Christian Right claims the movement was mobilized by moral outrage over the 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision. However, historical records reveal this is a carefully constructed origin myth. In the early 1970s, there was no evangelical consensus against abortion, and many Southern Baptists actually supported its legalization in various circumstances.

Racial backlash. The true catalyst for the movement was the federal government's effort to desegregate private Christian academies by stripping them of their tax-exempt status. When the IRS targeted institutions like Bob Jones University, fundamentalist leaders were galvanized into political action.

• They framed desegregation as an assault on "religious freedom."
• They viewed the federal government as an overbearing, tyrannical enemy.
• They organized massive letter-writing campaigns to protect their segregated schools.

A lasting legacy. This history reveals that the Christian Right was built on a foundation of white grievance and resistance to civil rights. By cloaking racial backlash in the language of religious liberty, early organizers created a template that continues to define the movement's modern battles against LGBTQ equality and reproductive rights.

3. Televangelism and the prosperity gospel paved the cultural path for Trump's "anointed" leadership style

Trump is more like a televangelist than a politician—which is exactly why he was able to break the politician mold for evangelical voters who had come to believe that other presidential candidates, for all their faith talk, had ultimately failed to deliver government guided by “Christian” or “biblical” values.

The prosperity connection. Donald Trump's political style is deeply rooted in the world of American televangelism and the prosperity gospel. This theology teaches that God rewards faith with material wealth and physical health, transforming financial success into a sign of divine favor. Trump, a self-proclaimed billionaire who flaunts his wealth, fit perfectly into this worldview.

Unquestioned authority. Televangelism thrives on charismatic, authoritarian leaders who demand absolute obedience and claim to receive direct revelations from God. In this environment, criticism of the leader is viewed as a demonic attack on "God's anointed."

• Trump demands absolute loyalty from his cabinet and followers.
• He uses showmanship and magical promises to captivate audiences.
• He is shielded from accountability by pastors who claim he is chosen by God.

The role of Paula White. Televangelist Paula White served as the crucial bridge between Trump and the evangelical community. By portraying Trump as a "baby Christian" who applied biblical principles to business, she helped legitimize his character to millions of viewers, eventually earning a prominent role in his administration.

4. "Religious liberty" has been weaponized as a blueprint to roll back civil rights for minority groups

The draft was the Christian right’s wish list for the Trump presidency.

A new weapon. In the modern era, the Christian Right has shifted its legal strategy from outright opposition to civil rights to the promotion of "religious liberty." This framing depicts conservative Christians as a persecuted minority under attack by a secular government. By claiming their conscience is violated by nondiscrimination laws, they seek the legal right to discriminate.

The leaked blueprint. Early in the Trump presidency, a leaked draft executive order revealed the sweeping scope of this agenda. It envisioned giving individuals and corporations the right to deny services to LGBTQ people, single mothers, and anyone who had had an abortion.

• It would allow adoption agencies to reject non-Christian or same-sex couples.
• It would permit healthcare workers to deny reproductive care.
• It would enable businesses to refuse service to LGBTQ customers.

Systemic implementation. Although the final order signed by Trump was watered down, Attorney General Jeff Sessions implemented its core goals through sweeping Department of Justice guidance. This blueprint effectively elevated the religious rights of conservative Christians above the civil rights of historically marginalized groups, transforming the federal government into an enabler of discrimination.

5. The Christian Right and the alt-right are united by a shared politics of white nationalist grievance

Instead, Trump spoke another lingua franca of the American right—the rhetoric of resentment, of lost domination, of grievances against “special” rights for others at the expense of white Christians.

A toxic convergence. The rise of Donald Trump brought about a historic merger between the Christian Right and the alt-right, a once-fringe movement of white supremacists and neo-Nazis. While these groups seem to have different values, they are united by a shared sense of white Christian dispossession. Both believe that multiculturalism, immigration, and civil rights are destroying traditional American identity.

Shared enemies. Both movements direct their rage at "political correctness" and "globalism," which they view as tools used by liberal elites to silence and oppress the white majority. Trump's nativist rhetoric and anti-immigrant policies resonated deeply with both groups.

• They cheer his calls for a border wall and restrictions on Muslim immigration.
• They view demographic changes as an existential threat to "Western civilization."
• They defend his refusal to unequivocally condemn white nationalist violence.

Moral cover. By defending Trump's racist rhetoric and policies, Christian Right leaders have provided moral cover for white nationalism. They dismiss accusations of racism as "fake news" or political attacks, effectively solidifying the Republican base around a combined ideology of Christian and white nationalism.

6. Stephen Miller and other key figures bridged the gap between mainstream conservatism and white nationalism

One of Trump’s longest-serving policy advisers and speechwriters, Stephen Miller, is the cold heart of his administration’s white nationalist policies.

The intellectual architect. Stephen Miller has served as the driving force behind the Trump administration's most restrictive and controversial immigration policies. His journey from a conservative student activist to a powerful White House strategist illustrates how white nationalist ideas were brought into the mainstream of the Republican Party.

The alt-right connection. During his college years, Miller collaborated with future white nationalist leader Richard Spencer to bring anti-immigration demagogues like Peter Brimelow to campus. This connection highlights the deep, long-standing ties between key administration figures and the intellectual leaders of the alt-right.

• Miller championed ending "chain migration" to preserve America's demographic makeup.
• He crafted the administration's travel bans and asylum restrictions.
• He used official White House channels to promote nativist talking points.

A lasting impact. Miller's presence in the White House demonstrates that the administration's nativism is not accidental, but a calculated policy agenda. By focusing on restricting legal immigration, Miller has sought to achieve the long-term demographic goals of the white nationalist movement, with the quiet backing of the Christian Right.

7. The movement looks to foreign autocrats like Viktor Orbán and Vladimir Putin as models for "illiberal" Christian democracy

The West is no longer the protector of “freedom” to the nativist, natalist right, because the West has spent too much time protecting the rights of marginalized people at the rightists’ expense.

An authoritarian turn. Disillusioned by the expansion of civil rights and secularism in the West, the American Christian Right has increasingly looked abroad for inspiration. They have forged alliances with far-right, authoritarian leaders in Eastern Europe and Russia who use "family values" to justify their illiberal regimes.

The Hungarian model. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has become a hero to American social conservatives for his creation of an "illiberal Christian democracy." Orbán has systematically dismantled democratic checks and balances while promoting policies that restrict LGBTQ rights and immigration.

• He enshrined a ban on same-sex marriage in the Hungarian constitution.
• He criminalized NGO aid to refugees and asylum seekers.
• He positioned Hungary as a defender of "Christian Europe" against Muslim migrants.

Embracing Putin's Russia. Through organizations like the World Congress of Families, American activists have also embraced Vladimir Putin's Russia. They praise Putin's crackdown on LGBTQ "propaganda" and his promotion of the Orthodox Church, viewing his authoritarian rule as a necessary defense of "Christendom" against Western decadence.

8. The conservative takeover of the federal judiciary is the ultimate realization of the New Right's long game

Trump’s nominees to lifetime appointments in trial and appellate courts have alarmed civil rights advocates, especially as Majority Leader McConnell has jettisoned any Senate oversight role in favor of working with the president to erode an independent judiciary—a sweeping sabotage of the entire system of checks and balances.

The judicial prize. For the Christian Right, the ultimate prize of the Trump presidency is the rapid, systematic stacking of the federal judiciary with conservative judges. This effort is the culmination of a decades-long strategy, initiated by New Right architect Paul Weyrich after the failed 1987 Supreme Court nomination of Robert Bork.

Originalism as a shield. Conservative legal organizations like the Federalist Society and the Judicial Crisis Network have worked to promote "originalist" judges who reject the civil-rights-era legal consensus. These judges are selected for their skepticism toward reproductive rights, LGBTQ equality, and federal regulations.

• Trump has appointed record numbers of conservative appellate judges.
• Many nominees have refused to say if Brown v. Board was correctly decided.
• The overwhelming majority of his judicial picks are white and male.

A generational shift. By securing a solid conservative majority on the Supreme Court and filling lower courts with young, lifetime appointees, the Trump administration has ensured that the Christian Right's legal agenda will endure for decades. This judicial takeover threatens to dismantle the legal protections that have guarded the rights of minorities, women, and LGBTQ people for generations.

9. Impeachment and political scandals are reframed as a spiritual war against demonic, secular forces

Any opponent of Trump’s, then, risks God’s wrath, including, Bakker said, “that man” who “would vex my soul when he was on TV, spewing against the president.”

A defensive fortress. As political scandals and the impeachment inquiry intensified, Trump's evangelical enablers constructed an immovable protective barrier. They reframed the legal and constitutional proceedings not as a pursuit of justice, but as a coordinated, demonic "coup" designed to silence the voices of Christian voters.

The conspiracy narrative. Evangelical media and leaders have consistently promoted conspiracy theories to explain the investigations into Trump. They portray the impeachment inquiry as a "coup" orchestrated by a godless, secular establishment and funded by shadowy figures like George Soros.

• They claim that attacks on Trump are attacks on Christianity itself.
• They hold regular prayer sessions in the White House to place a "hedge of protection" around him.
• They warn that his removal would lead to a "second civil war" and divine judgment.

An alternative reality. This spiritual framing has created an alternative reality for millions of white evangelical voters, making them completely immune to facts and evidence of presidential wrongdoing. By casting political opponents as demonic enemies, the Christian Right has abandoned the norms of democratic accountability, choosing instead to stand by their anointed strongman at all costs.

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