America's Social Arsonist

1. The Formative Years: From Privilege to Purpose

“There was a man, just a plain ordinary guy who wasn’t shiftless and wasn’t stupid, and he gave it his best shot for his whole pain-filled life, and still he couldn’t make it.”

Early influences. Fred Ross, born in 1910 to conservative parents in Los Angeles, initially lived a sheltered life, shielded from the city's growing diversity and social issues. His parents' divorce and subsequent time with his religious grandparents instilled in him values of perseverance and commitment, though he initially channeled these into rebellious behavior. His college years, however, marked a turning point, exposing him to radical politics and the stark realities of the Great Depression.

Witnessing injustice. Ross's first job as a caseworker for the State Relief Administration (SRA) in 1937 plunged him into the lives of the poor. Initially holding a "Calvinist kick" view of "chronic dependency," a grueling twelve-hour shift tying carrots for eighty-four cents shattered his preconceptions. This firsthand experience, coupled with his friendship with Eugene Wolman, a radical student who died fighting in the Spanish Civil War, solidified his commitment to social justice.

Arvin and internment. As manager of the Arvin Migratory Labor Camp, Ross lived among Dust Bowl migrants, witnessing their dignity and struggles, an experience immortalized in Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath. His subsequent work with the War Relocation Authority (WRA) during World War II, helping Japanese Americans after their unjust internment, further deepened his understanding of systemic discrimination and the government's capacity for injustice. He arrived in Cleveland with a "guilty conscience, eager to, as he put it, 'do penance.'"

2. Discovering the Power of Grassroots Organizing

“There’s no mystery. It’s getting to know people. Really know them. And, of course, putting in the time it takes to get it done.”

Beyond aid. Ross's early government roles involved providing aid, but he grew frustrated by the limitations of simply handing out checks or food. He realized that true change required empowering people to act on their own behalf. This shift was influenced by Robert Hardie, manager of the Visalia migrant camp, who emphasized listening to residents and fostering self-government.

The house meeting method. His pivotal encounter with Ruth Tuck and Ignacio Lopez in San Bernardino introduced him to the concept of direct community organizing. Lopez, a tireless Mexican American activist, inspired Ross to go directly into barrios and colonias. This led to the development of Ross's signature "house meeting" method, a simple yet powerful tactic:

• Small, intimate gatherings in homes.
• Tapping into existing social networks of friends and family.
• Encouraging skeptical individuals to be won over by their peers.
• Asking each participant to host their own meeting, creating a "snowball" effect.

First victories. This method proved effective in Bell Town, where he helped black and Mexican American parents desegregate schools, and in Casa Blanca, where a voter registration drive ousted a racist city councilman. These early successes demonstrated that ordinary people, when organized, could achieve significant change.

3. Building the Community Service Organization (CSO)

“After the bunch of phonies I had been chasing around after, this group was a real eye opener.”

A new model. Frustrated with existing "unity councils" that he felt were too conservative and ineffective, Ross sought to build a new kind of organization. He found his opportunity in East Los Angeles with the Community Political Organization (CPO), a group of working-class Mexican American activists. He was immediately drawn to their sincerity and commitment, a stark contrast to the "mushy professional types" he often encountered.

Founding principles. Ross joined the group, renaming it the Community Service Organization (CSO), and immediately put members to work. His strategy was clear:

• Go door-to-door, precinct by precinct, to recruit members.
• Focus on "plain, ordinary" folks—garment workers, steelworkers, dishwashers—who had the most to gain from collective action.
• Build a powerful, independent organization that could not be ignored or co-opted.

Rapid growth. The CSO quickly grew from a small group to hundreds of members, holding meetings in gymnasiums. This rapid expansion, fueled by Ross's meticulous organizing and the dedication of local leaders, laid the groundwork for the CSO to become the most powerful Mexican American organization in the country.

4. Empowering Communities Through the Ballot Box

“Remember—how they used to cup their hands to their ears and say, ‘Speak louder, please. We only hear about one-fifth of what you are saying?’ That is because only one-fifth of us had registered and voted . . . BUT TIMES HAVE CHANGED! WE CAN . . . WE WILL . . . WE MUST VOTE!”

Voter registration as power. Ross understood that political power for marginalized communities began with the vote. His early successes in Casa Blanca and El Modena demonstrated that organized voter registration drives could dramatically alter local elections. This became a cornerstone of the CSO's strategy.

The Roybal campaign. The ultimate test came in 1949 with Edward Roybal's second bid for the Los Angeles City Council. Ross meticulously managed the campaign, creating 3x5 index cards for each of the ten thousand registered voters with Spanish surnames. This grassroots machine, built on the tireless efforts of 150 precinct volunteers, registered an estimated seventeen thousand new voters, doubling the number of Latino voters in the city.

Historic victory. Roybal's landslide win, with the highest turnout of any council election in the city, was a historic moment. It proved that Mexican Americans, when organized, could elect their own representatives and demand accountability from politicians. This victory cemented Ross's reputation as a master of get-out-the-vote operations and established the CSO as a formidable political force.

5. The Organizer's Craft: Discipline, Detail, and Dedication

“The incidentals make up the fundamentals.”

Meticulous approach. Ross approached organizing with the rigor of a scientist and the discipline of a drill sergeant. He believed that success lay in the meticulous attention to "incidentals"—the small, often overlooked details that collectively determined an outcome. This included:

• Creating detailed 3x5 index cards for every voter or worker.
• Tracking every interaction and outcome.
• Insisting on precise follow-up and accountability from organizers.

Relentless work ethic. Ross's personal dedication was legendary. He worked seven days a week, often from dawn until midnight, living out of motels and sacrificing family life for the cause. He expected the same unwavering commitment from his organizers, believing that only "fanatics" were truly cut out for the work.

Teaching the craft. His training sessions, dubbed the "battle of the butcher paper," were intense and demanding. He used role-playing and video to dissect organizers' pitches, emphasizing "animo" (vitality) and a "no-excuses" ethos. He taught that organizers must be "enablers rather than leaders," empowering people to discover their own capabilities.

6. Mentoring a Movement: Chavez and Huerta

“Fred did such a good job of explaining how poor people could build power that I could even taste it. I could really feel it. I thought, gee, it’s like digging a hole. There’s nothing complicated about it.”

Finding Cesar. Ross's encounter with Cesar Chavez in 1952 was transformative for both men. Chavez, then a shy, anonymous twenty-five-year-old, was initially skeptical of the "gringo" organizer. But Ross's vision of collective power for Mexican Americans resonated deeply, changing Chavez's life and setting him on the path to becoming a legendary farmworker leader.

Nurturing talent. Ross immediately recognized Chavez's "real push, understanding, loyalty, enthusiasm, grassroots leadership qualities." He provided Chavez with his first full-time organizing job, teaching him the nuts and bolts of house meetings, voter registration, and strategic planning. Chavez, in turn, became a meticulous student, refining his techniques and developing an "uncanny ability to convince people of all walks to work with him."

Dolores Huerta's fire. Ross also recruited and mentored Dolores Huerta, a "fire-brand" who initially doubted his ambitious claims. Huerta, like Chavez, learned to channel her righteous anger into calm, methodical action. Ross helped her focus her boundless energy, recognizing her potential to become a powerful advocate for farmworkers. Both Chavez and Huerta would go on to co-found the United Farm Workers, applying Ross's organizing principles to a historic struggle.

7. Navigating the Red Scare and Political Opposition

“The current policy, then, is a positive one—for maximum operation of the democratic processes and participation in CSO [of] all segments of the community; and the only “anti” is anti-discrimination.”

Constant scrutiny. Ross launched his organizing career during the McCarthy era, a period of intense anti-Communist paranoia. He was repeatedly targeted by groups like the Associated Farmers and the California Un-American Activities Committee, who attempted to discredit him and the CSO by labeling them "Red."

Strategic defense. Ross understood that such accusations could quickly derail his work. He countered by:

• Securing support from religious leaders, including Catholic bishops.
• Positioning the CSO as an "Americanization" process, emphasizing citizenship and civic participation.
• Focusing on concrete, local issues that resonated with the community, rather than broader ideological debates.
• Avoiding formal anti-Communist clauses while carefully managing the influence of known Communists within the CSO.

Resilience in the face of attacks. Despite the constant Red-baiting and surveillance by the FBI, Ross remained undeterred. He viewed these attacks as evidence that the power structure felt threatened, a positive sign that his organizing was making an impact. His ability to navigate these treacherous political waters allowed the CSO to grow and thrive in a hostile environment.

8. The War on Poverty: A Fiasco of Unmet Expectations

“The problem with those kids is that they always want the third act—the resolution, the big drama. They want to skip the first act, the second act, the tediousness, the listening. Actually, you do more organizing with your ears than with your tongue.”

Syracuse experiment. In 1964, Ross took a position directing a "community development" program in Syracuse, New York, funded by the federal War on Poverty's Community Action initiative. He aimed to replicate his grassroots model, training social work students and civil rights activists to organize in African American neighborhoods.

Clash of philosophies. The project quickly became a "poverty fiasco," marked by clashes between Ross's disciplined, methodical approach and the more spontaneous, confrontational style of New Left student organizers. Ross emphasized:

• Focusing on local, tangible issues like housing repairs and voter registration.
• Building stable, democratic organizations.
• Avoiding "theatrics" and broader ideological debates like the Vietnam War.

Political backlash. The project faced intense opposition from Syracuse's mayor and other city officials, who viewed the organizing efforts as "fostering class struggle." Despite some local successes, the political pressure, coupled with internal dissension, led to the program's defunding and Ross's disillusionment with government-funded organizing. He felt he was "a thing of no use, no worth. . . . In a word: nothing."

9. The Boycott as a Weapon for Farmworker Justice

“Well, they made the mistake that powerful groups usually make. They underestimated the strength of the opposition. [They] underestimated our willingness to work and to win.”

Joining La Causa. After the Syracuse debacle, Ross found renewed purpose in 1966, joining Cesar Chavez's fledgling farmworker union. He became the organizing director for the DiGiorgio campaign, a pivotal struggle against California's largest grape grower. This marked a return to his roots, fighting for the marginalized in the fields.

Mastering the boycott. The union's most powerful weapon became the consumer boycott, a tactic uniquely available to farmworkers due to their exclusion from federal labor laws. Ross played a crucial role in:

• Coordinating strikes and pickets in the fields.
• Developing creative tactics like "El Mosquito Zumbador" (The Buzzing Mosquito) to rally workers.
• Leading national boycott operations, training hundreds of volunteers across the country.

Historic victories. Ross's meticulous planning and relentless drive were instrumental in the union's victories against Schenley and DiGiorgio, and later in expanding the boycott to all California table grapes. The 1970 grape boycott triumph, which Ross helped orchestrate, was a storybook ending to a decade of struggle, demonstrating the immense power of organized consumer action.

10. Unwavering Loyalty and Its Blind Spots

“Fred would say, ‘Calma,’ have patience. It’ll come.”

Chavez's shift. Following the 1975 passage of California's Agricultural Labor Relations Act, the UFW faced new challenges. Cesar Chavez, increasingly consumed by a need for control and concerns about disloyalty, began a series of purges within the union. This included the controversial "Monday Night Massacre" and the adoption of Synanon's "the Game," a group therapy exercise that fostered internal conflict.

Ross's dilemma. Ross, fiercely loyal to Chavez, found himself in a difficult position. He participated in the initial purges, interrogating volunteers for signs of disloyalty, a role he later admitted shame for. Despite his own democratic principles and his deep respect for many of those purged, Ross rarely challenged Chavez directly.

A "blind spot." Ross's unwavering fealty to Chavez, whom he considered a historic figure, became his "one blindness." He believed Chavez's immense sacrifices entitled him to run the union as he saw fit, even when it meant alienating dedicated organizers and undermining democratic processes. This loyalty, while a testament to his personal bond with Chavez, prevented him from being the critical voice his former student might have heeded.

11. A Legacy of Teaching and Relentless Hope

“It isn’t for us to come through with this great blinding triumph, but to keep coming back.”

Organizer as teacher. After the UFW's internal struggles, Ross shifted his focus to training new organizers for various social justice and peace groups. He distilled his decades of experience into rigorous workshops, emphasizing the "battle of the butcher paper"—meticulous planning, relentless follow-up, and unwavering commitment.

Axioms for Organizers. His "Axioms for Organizers," a collection of pithy statements, became a guiding text for aspiring activists, reflecting his core beliefs:

• "A good organizer is a social arsonist who goes around setting people on fire."
• "The incidentals make up the fundamentals."
• "Ninety percent of organizing is follow-up."
• "Organizers don’t ‘burn-out,’ they just give up and cease being organizers."

Enduring impact. Ross's final campaign in Ventura, organizing against US intervention in Central America, ended in a narrow defeat, but his spirit remained unbroken. He continued to write and mentor until Alzheimer's took its toll. His legacy lives on not just in the historic victories he helped achieve, but in the thousands of organizers he trained, who carried forward his relentless hope and dedication to building people power.

Last updated: December 20, 2025