The Twilight of Common Dreams

1. The Culture Wars: A Distraction from Deeper Inequality

In the end, he maintains, the culture wars are evasions of America’s deepest trauma—inequality—and he eloquently contends that America is lost unless its obsession with cultural differences can be transcended in the name of the common good.

Symbolic battles. The intense "culture wars" dominating American discourse, such as debates over affirmative action, Columbus Day, or school curricula, are often a "sideshow." These highly charged conflicts obscure a fundamental transformation in American political life, diverting attention from the nation's core trauma: profound inequality. The bitterness seen in these disputes is frequently disproportionate to the actual stakes involved.

Misplaced energies. While the Right has been strategically capturing political power, the Left has increasingly focused its energies on cultural battles, often within academic departments. This shift has led to a situation where the Left, once advocating universal values, is now identified with specific "cultures" and "identities," while the Right, historically linked to privileged interests, claims to defend the needs of all. This misdirection of effort leaves deeper societal problems unaddressed.

Oakland's microcosm. The contentious Oakland textbook adoption battle of 1992 exemplifies this dynamic. Despite efforts to create inclusive, multicultural textbooks, they were rejected by local activists who deemed them "Eurocentric" and "racist," leading to a lack of textbooks for students. This symbolic victory came at the cost of practical educational resources, highlighting how identity-based conflicts can overshadow the actual needs of the community and prevent progress on tangible issues like educational funding.

2. America's Fading Commonality: From Melting Pot to Identity Crisis

The lingering insistence that America the coherent, the good, and the just, lies in the future—that is to say, that it does not exist—only halfheartedly conceals the revelation that the old firm America was not really there in the past where it was supposed to be and where once, in the textbooks, it was unquestionably assumed to be.

Unraveling consensus. The fierce textbook debates signal a profound unraveling of the traditional narrative of a common America. The very disjointedness and lack of confidence in these multicultural textbooks reflect a national anxiety about identity, prompting the insistent question: "Who Are We?" This uncertainty suggests that the once-assumed "firm America" of the past was perhaps an illusion, or at least far less unified than commonly believed.

A nation of dreams. America, uniquely identified with a "dream" rather than a fixed nationality, has always been a "collective anticipation" rather than a settled identity. This inherent provisionality means that the concept of "Americanness" is perpetually in flux, inviting constant revision and reinterpretation. Unlike nations defined by blood or language, America's identity is ideological, rooted in documents like the Declaration of Independence, which itself contained clashing ideals like "all men are created equal" alongside the reality of slavery.

Selective assimilation. Historically, while America was a "democracy of nationalities," this privilege was largely monopolized by European groups. The "melting pot" metaphor, popularized around the turn of the 20th century, was always selective, notably excluding African Americans and other non-white groups. This selective assimilation meant that a truly unified national identity remained elusive, with "twoness" (as W.E.B. Du Bois described the black experience) being a persistent reality for many.

3. The Cold War and Prosperity: Temporary Binders of National Identity

Defined most firmly by what we were not, declaring ourselves to be in our deepest spirit the negation of what we rose so vigorously to fight, Americans could sustain an appearance, even a conviction, of unity.

Wartime unity. World War II temporarily revived a unifying Americanism, often through xenophobia and anti-fascist propaganda. Popular culture, particularly movies, depicted multiethnic platoons fighting for a common cause, fostering an image of a unified, "mongrel nation" that absorbed differences into a shared crusade. This wartime cohesion, however, was fragile and prone to dissension once the immediate threat subsided.

Cold War cohesion. The post-war economic boom and the onset of the Cold War provided powerful new adhesives for American identity. The nation found unity in defining itself against the Soviet Union:

• "We were what they were not, what they were trying to crush."
• America represented freedom and individualism, contrasting with Soviet slavery and faceless hordes.
• Anti-Communism became the ideological bedrock, mobilizing a "popular front against Communism" that transcended internal disagreements.

The middle-class dream. This Cold War unity was reinforced by a rising standard of living, where the "American Dream" materialized in suburban homes and consumer goods. The "middle class" became the salient identity, offering upward mobility and a sense of normality. Television played a crucial role in crystallizing this image of a unified, prosperous America, where class resentment yielded to gratitude for economic advancement, further solidifying the "Grand Creed" of anti-Communism and prosperity.

4. Vietnam and the Rise of an "Anti-American" Left

My anger only rises to hear some say that sorrow cancels sorrow, or that this one’s shame deposits in that one’s account the right to shamefulness.

Shattering failure. The Vietnam War proved to be a catastrophic failure, not only militarily but also as a wedge in the binding idea of America. Elites framed the war as a test of national will and moral excellence, equating opposition with being an "enemy of the nation." This identification of the nation with the war, however, backfired, exposing the fragility of the post-war American identity.

Rejection of ideals. A critical mass of young middle-class Americans and black liberation activists concluded that "affluence" was hollow and anti-Communism too dangerous. They rejected not only American practices but also its conventional ideals, viewing the nation as "cursed by original sin," racist, and imperial. This led to a profound "anti-Americanism," a sentiment born of disappointment and loathing, rather than a coherent theory.

Ceding patriotism. The New Left, unlike earlier American Lefts, became largely uninterested in celebrating a common American identity. Figures like Malcolm X and the Black Panthers offered a visceral rejection of American identity, aligning with a global "Third World Revolution" or "Woodstock Nation" as alternatives. This disinterest effectively ceded the symbols of patriotism and the idea of a common America to the Right, leaving the Left fragmented and suspicious of majorities.

5. Reagan's Restoration: Forging Unity Through External Enemies

He invoked a most historic bloc indeed.

Post-trauma. Following the humiliations of Vietnam and Watergate, and the economic travails of stagflation, America experienced a profound sense of national decline. The consensus on Cold War purpose and prosperity had crumbled, leaving a vacuum in national identity. This period of "pitiful, helpless giant" sentiment created fertile ground for a nationalist revival.

Reagan's achievement. Ronald Reagan's political genius lay in his ability to restore a sense of national mission and forge a new political majority. He skillfully identified conspicuous external enemies—Ayatollah Khomeini and Leonid Brezhnev—to rekindle nationalist passion and unify disparate conservative factions. His persona, embodying the "common man" and American myths, resonated with voters seeking reassurance and a return to perceived greatness.

A new commonality. Reagan's "Morning in America" rhetoric promised a perpetually innocent and reborn nation, dissolving tensions into a cheerful Main Street ideal. He successfully brought together:

• Pro-business, anti-regulatory conservatives
• White working-class "Reagan Democrats"
• Protestant fundamentalists and anti-abortionists
• Neoconservative intellectuals
  This "historic bloc" was united by a common identity and interests, particularly among white men, who felt their malaise named and addressed by the conservative counterforce.

6. The Post-Cold War Identity Vacuum and the Right's New Foes

Now that the other ‘Cold War’ is over, the real cold war has begun.

Anticlimactic victory. The collapse of the Soviet Union, while a "famous victory," left America with an "enemy crisis" and an "unsatisfying sense of anticlimax." Without the unifying force of a clear external adversary, the nation's Cold War "cement cracked," and its identity became fragmented. The initial self-congratulation quickly gave way to a return to domestic "culture wars."

Economic unraveling. Concurrently, the economic side of the post-war bargain also deteriorated, with rising inequality and a crumbling public sector. The middle class, once the bedrock of American identity, faced increasing insecurity. This economic anxiety, coupled with the absence of a unifying national purpose, intensified the search for culprits and new forms of solidarity.

Domestic barbarians. The Right, distrustful of President Bush and needing a new focus for its "crusade," turned inward to identify domestic enemies. These new "barbarians" included:

• The "cultural elite"
• The "liberal media"
• Universities and cultural institutions
• "Counterculture McGoverniks"
  This strategy aimed to maintain the conservative coalition by drawing a line in the sand against the "liberal ethos," effectively transforming the Cold War into a domestic cultural battle for "the soul of America."

7. Demographic Shifts and the "Coloring of America"

One answer to “Who are we?” is turning out to be: less white than we thought.

Changing demographics. A fundamental driver of America's identity crisis is the significant demographic shift, with non-Hispanic whites steadily declining as a percentage of the population, while black, Latino, and Asian populations grow. This trend is further amplified by increasing rates of interracial marriage and mixed-race births, leading to a more diverse "new face of America."

Exaggerated perceptions. Both minorities and whites often misperceive the magnitude and speed of these demographic changes. Minorities may overestimate their numerical strength, leading to skewed political strategies, while whites may exaggerate the threat of "nonwhite engulfment," fueling racial fears and resentment. These misrecognitions, whether stemming from hope or fear, create a poor foundation for constructive politics.

Fluid identities. Racial and ethnic categories in America are not fixed biological facts but social constructs, subject to change and political pressure. Labels like "Hispanic" or "Asian American" are administrative conveniences that often mask immense internal diversity and fluid self-identifications. The assumption of automatic solidarity among "people of color" is often sentimental, as evidenced by conflicts between different non-white groups over resources and perceptions.

8. Identity Politics: A Response to Exclusion and a Source of Fragmentation

Identity extends through space, binding a person to fellow travelers in the human project. But identity also extends through time, linking the individual with past and future, extending beyond the mortal body.

The cant of identity. Identity politics, characterized by deducing positions and truths from birth facts like race, gender, or disability, has become a dominant force. While identity can offer a sense of belonging and connection across time and space, it often hardens into "cant," automating thought and creating rigid, exclusionary categories. This focus on distinctness can mask a deeper disrespect for genuine diversity.

Black assertion's legacy. The civil rights movement's success, followed by the "Black Power" movement, triggered a powerful assertion of black identity, rejecting white-imposed definitions and seeking distinct cultural and political spheres. This black identity movement became a template for other groups—American Indians, Chicanos, women, and gays—to organize around their own distinct needs and experiences, leading to a "multiplication" of ethnic and identity claims.

White ethnic resurgence. This separatist impulse also spurred a "white ethnic revival," as groups like Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slavs asserted their own "unmeltable" identities. Fueled by resentment, fear, and even admiration of black assertion, these groups sought dignity and a place in a fragmented America. This "symbolic ethnicity" was often chosen rather than inherited, reflecting a desire to belong to better-defined tribes in a society where a generic "American" identity felt insufficient.

9. The Academic Left's Retreat to Cultural Battles

While the Right was occupying the heights of the political system, the assemblage of groups identified with the Left were marching on the English department.

Separatist dynamic. The women's and gay liberation movements, emerging from the New Left, adopted a similar separatist dynamic, fueled by legitimate grievances against discrimination. They sought to create distinct cultures and spaces, leading to concepts like "woman-identified woman" and "political lesbianism." This focus on self-development and internal solidarity often overshadowed broader political engagement with men or heterosexual society.

University as battleground. Within academia, the civil rights generation's revolt against traditional scholarship led to the flourishing of women's studies, African-American studies, and other ethnic studies programs. These programs, while producing splendid scholarship and exposing "spurious wholes," often hardened into "fortified enclaves," fostering a "culture" of exultation through victimization and internal factionalism.

Symbolic politics. Cut off from broader political hopes, the academic Left became preoccupied with controlling language and imagery, mistaking strong rhetoric for consequential political engagement. The slogan "the personal is political" morphed into "only the personal is really political," confining political life to the campus and symbolic battles, such as the Oakland textbook dispute or the Wacquant boycott, while larger issues of economic inequality and public education cuts went largely unaddressed.

10. The "Political Correctness" Backlash: A Right-Wing Counter-Crusade

The genius of the attack on “political correctness” in the Nineties was to fuse the three, polarize opinion against them, and thereby seize the initiative.

Weaponizing "PC." The term "politically correct" (PC), originally a Stalinist relic used ironically by the Left, was weaponized by the Right in the early 1990s. This counteroffensive, fueled by conservative think tanks and amplified by the media, branded affirmative action, curriculum revision, and speech codes as a uniform enemy, effectively seizing the initiative in the culture wars.

Exaggerated alarm. While genuine instances of academic censoriousness and illiberalism existed, the "PC panic" was largely a propaganda campaign. Figures like Dinesh D'Souza and Roger Kimball, supported by right-wing foundations, published breathless accounts of campus "atrocities," often based on sloppy research and gross exaggerations. These claims, though frequently refuted, gained canonical status, portraying reason and civilization as being "utterly overwhelmed" by "tenured radicals."

White male malaise. This backlash resonated with many white men who felt dispossessed and demonized by identity groups. Newsweek's "WHITE MALE PARANOIA" cover story highlighted a widespread sense of indignity and relative decline, fueled by perceived losses in the labor market and cultural authority. This sentiment, often rooted in economic insecurity and resentment of affirmative action, became a potent form of identity politics, leading many white men to embrace conservative narratives and vote Republican.

11. The Enlightenment's Shadow: Perspectivism and the Erosion of Universal Truth

What there isn’t is truth. There are only stories.

"Where are you coming from?" A pervasive intellectual parochialism, often called perspectivism or standpoint theory, has triumphed, asserting that "how you see is a function of who you are." This leads to the automatic question, "Where are you coming from?" and the conclusion that all knowledge is local, limited by one's race, ethnicity, or gender, and that there is no objective truth, only "truth effects" or "stories."

Enlightenment's self-critique. While seemingly a radical departure, perspectivism is ironically a "creature of the Enlightenment." The critical spirit of the Enlightenment, which valued individual worth, dignity, and self-determination, was turned against itself by philosophers like Nietzsche, Weber, and Foucault, who exposed the less-than-enlightened history of reason and its instrumental, often destructive, applications. Thomas Kuhn's work on scientific revolutions further fueled doubts about objective knowledge.

Beyond the prism. Despite the philosophical critiques and the undeniable fact that all thought is situated, human beings still seek universal truths and moral judgments. Identities are compound, multiple, and fluid, not fixed prisons. The Enlightenment, at its best, is a self-correcting aspiration that equips us with tools to refute bigotry and encourages conversation across differences. It guarantees the right to be different, but also reminds us of the common human capacity for reason and the need for mutual respect.

12. The Peril of a Fractured Commons: Inequality and the Left's Myopia

If multiculturalism is not tempered by a stake in the commons, then centrifugal energy overwhelms any commitment to a larger good.

Flux and fundamentalism. Identity politics, by commanding a world in flux to stop, inadvertently fuels cultural fundamentalism on all sides. Both multiculturalists and conservatives, fearing the "porousness" of modern society, seek to purge impurities and fortify cultural borders. This dynamic is exacerbated by globalization, which undermines stable communities and intensifies local identities, leading to increased friction and suspicion.

Eroding solidarity. Growing economic inequality, marked by declining real wages and soaring costs of education, further erodes social solidarity. The majority of Americans, losing ground, lack a collective imagination or political party to address these disparities. While the rich and poor are "equally free to read their Shakespeare in the gutter," the vast class divisions are largely ignored in national debates, even as they fuel resentment and withdrawal from public life.

The Left's trap. The Left's obsession with group difference, while often stemming from legitimate grievances, has become a "myopic" trap. By focusing on "minoritarian thinking" and "cultures of resistance," it fails to build the broad majorities necessary for political power and meaningful change. This "struggle to change the color of inequality" rather than reduce it, distracts from the deepest sources of social misery and leaves the centers of power uncontested, allowing "conservatives" to administer the breakdown of the commons.

Last updated: April 4, 2026