Key Takeaways
1. Detroit's Crisis: A Century of Intertwined Race, Economics, and Politics
The sum of Detroit’s deficit spending, its debt and debt servicing, and its pension and health care obligations totaled somewhere between $18 and $20 billion.
Long-term perspective. Detroit's 2013 bankruptcy was not a sudden catastrophe but the grim epilogue to decades of disinvestment, depopulation, political marginalization, and financial mismanagement. Conventional wisdom often blames recent political corruption or unions, but the roots of the urban crisis run much deeper, stemming from a complex interplay of race, economics, and politics from the 1940s to the 1960s.
Structural causes. The city's decline was driven by large-scale changes that systematically eroded its tax base and social fabric.
- Deindustrialization: Over 300,000 auto industry jobs were lost since the late 1940s, as manufacturers sought cheaper labor and lower taxes elsewhere.
- Depopulation: Detroit lost 25% of its population between 2000 and 2010, accelerating white flight that began in the 1950s.
- Property devaluation: The total value of property in the city fell by 77% (in constant dollars) in half a century.
Policy failures. Federal and state policies, coupled with suburban indifference, exacerbated Detroit's woes. Federal urban expenditures spiraled downward after the 1970s, and Michigan's state-shared revenue to Detroit fell by 48% between 1998 and 2012. This left the city, increasingly poor and predominantly African American, struggling to provide basic services amidst a crumbling infrastructure.
2. Wartime Boom Masked Deep-Seated Racial and Housing Inequality
Detroit in the 1940s was also a city rife with social tensions.
Industrial zenith. In the 1940s, Detroit was America's "arsenal of democracy," a booming industrial powerhouse attracting thousands of migrants with high-paying factory jobs. Iconic images by Charles Sheeler and Diego Rivera captured the city's industrial might, symbolizing the melding of human labor and technology.
Simmering tensions. Beneath this veneer of prosperity, deep racial divisions and social tensions festered.
- Great Migration: Waves of black migrants from the South sought opportunity but faced pervasive discrimination.
- Racial geography: By 1940, Detroit's geography was defined by stark racial lines, with most black residents confined to overcrowded areas like Paradise Valley.
- Housing crisis: The influx of migrants exacerbated a severe housing shortage, disproportionately affecting blacks who were trapped in substandard, segregated housing.
Violent climax. These tensions erupted in the devastating 1943 race riot, a stark reminder that Detroit's economic boom was built on a foundation of unresolved racial conflict. Despite the city's growth, the underlying causes of racial inequality in housing and employment remained unaddressed, setting the stage for future crises.
3. Public Housing Undermined by White Homeowner Resistance and Segregation
The government’s encouragement of single-family homeownership unleashed the aspirations of many urban blacks, and led them to demand funds for private housing.
New Deal's dual promise. Federal housing policy in the New Deal era presented a fundamental dilemma: a commitment to public housing for the disadvantaged coexisted with subsidies for private homeownership. In Detroit, this tension played out in fierce local battles.
White resistance. Public housing proposals, especially those in or near white areas, met staunch opposition from homeowners, real estate interests, and elected officials.
- "Homeowners' rights": White residents, many first-time homeowners, invoked a sense of entitlement to protect their property values and neighborhood homogeneity.
- Sojourner Truth controversy: The 1942 riot over a black housing project set a precedent, leading the Detroit Housing Commission to mandate racial segregation in public housing.
- Suburban opposition: Mayors like Dearborn's Orville Hubbard fiercely resisted public housing, particularly for blacks, using thinly veiled racist rhetoric.
Containment and segregation. The outcome was a decisive victory for public housing opponents. Detroit built relatively little permanent public housing, and what was built was concentrated in already black inner-city neighborhoods, further solidifying racial segregation and legitimizing private-sector discrimination.
4. Pervasive Employment Discrimination Confined Black Workers to "Dirty Jobs"
If they don’t stop this discrimination, there’s going to be a civil war.
Systemic barriers. Despite wartime gains and the booming auto industry, black workers in postwar Detroit faced pervasive and complex employment discrimination. Joseph Mays's experience at Dodge Main, being turned away despite qualifications, was typical.
Uneven opportunities:
- Decentralized hiring: Auto plants exhibited arbitrary hiring patterns, with some having large black workforces and others virtually none, often due to individual plant managers' discretion and racial biases.
- Job placement: Blacks were disproportionately placed in the least desirable, most dangerous, unskilled, and semiskilled jobs (e.g., foundries, paint rooms).
- Skilled trades exclusion: Craft unions and management collaborated to almost completely exclude African Americans from lucrative skilled trades and apprenticeship programs.
Union complicity. While the UAW officially supported civil rights, its local practices often reinforced discrimination. Seniority rules, while protecting some black workers, also trapped them in dead-end departments, limiting upward mobility. The union's reluctance to challenge management's hiring prerogatives further entrenched racial inequality.
5. Deindustrialization in the 1950s Decimated Detroit's Job Market
The 1950s marked a decisive turning point in the development of the city—a systematic restructuring of the local economy from which the city never fully recovered.
Economic corrosion. While pundits celebrated national affluence, Detroit's industrial heartland began to rust. Between 1947 and 1963, Detroit lost 134,000 manufacturing jobs, a nearly 50% decline in the 1950s alone. This was not just a cyclical downturn but a permanent restructuring.
Drivers of decline:
- Capital mobility: Auto manufacturers (Ford, GM) aggressively decentralized production, building new, single-story plants in suburbs, rural areas, and other states to reduce labor costs and weaken unions.
- Automation: New automated processes, particularly in engine and stamping production, eliminated thousands of jobs and reduced reliance on labor, often targeting militant union strongholds like Ford's River Rouge plant.
- Overtime: Companies increasingly favored overtime for existing workers over hiring new ones, further shrinking the pool of available jobs.
Disproportionate impact. Black workers bore the brunt of this deindustrialization. They were "last hired, first fired," had less seniority, and were concentrated in the unskilled jobs most vulnerable to automation. This created a growing pool of "long-term unemployed" and severely limited entry-level opportunities for black youth.
6. Inadequate Responses to Economic Decline and Discrimination
Forget about your inalienable right to work.
Limited vision. Responses to Detroit's economic and racial crises were largely inadequate, hampered by a national political climate that emphasized growth, affluence, and consensus, while downplaying structural inequality and racial conflict. McCarthyism further stifled radical critiques.
Union's lost opportunity:
- Local 600's fight: Ford's River Rouge workers (UAW Local 600) militantly fought automation and decentralization, demanding a 30-hour week and suing Ford for breach of contract, but were ultimately defeated.
- UAW International's moderation: The national UAW focused on cushioning layoffs and retraining rather than fundamentally challenging management's right to move capital, fearing to upset labor-management relations.
Civil rights' focus: Black civil rights organizations like the Urban League and NAACP, while fighting discrimination, often adopted gradualist strategies or focused on "pioneer" jobs for the black middle class, overlooking the structural impact of deindustrialization on the poorest. The Michigan Fair Employment Practices Act (1955) was a symbolic victory but had limited enforcement power.
7. Black Mobility Led to Internal Class Segregation, Not Full Integration
The family who moves in next door to you or down the block, whether white or colored, is not the advance guard of an invasion.
Post-Shelley aspirations. The 1948 Supreme Court decision in Shelley v. Kraemer, which outlawed the enforcement of restrictive covenants, fueled black aspirations for open housing. Black "pioneers," often from the city's growing bourgeoisie or stable working class, sought better homes beyond the overcrowded inner city.
Improved conditions, persistent segregation. Between 1940 and 1960, black housing conditions improved significantly, with fewer substandard and overcrowded dwellings. However, this outward movement did not lead to widespread integration.
- Class stratification: Within the confines of segregation, black Detroit became increasingly stratified by class. Wealthier blacks moved to exclusive enclaves like Conant Gardens or formerly white middle-class neighborhoods.
- "Millionaires' Row": Areas like Boston-Edison became havens for the black elite, who often enforced their own restrictive covenants to maintain exclusivity.
- Working-class aspirations: Many working-class blacks also sought homeownership, often buying homes abandoned by fleeing whites, but faced precarious finances and high-interest land contracts.
Ghetto's expansion and internal division. The "ghetto crept outward block by block," but simultaneously, the poorest blacks remained concentrated in decaying inner-city neighborhoods, increasingly isolated from the upwardly mobile black population. This process of internal class segregation challenged the notion of a unified "institutional ghetto."
8. "Homeowners' Rights" Fueled White Antiliberalism and Segregation
The white population . . . has come to believe that it has a vested, exclusive, and permanent “right” to certain districts.
Grassroots backlash. Tens of thousands of white Detroiters, feeling economically insecure and threatened by black migration, formed powerful "homeowners' associations" to defend their neighborhoods. These groups became a major grassroots movement, reshaping urban politics.
Rhetoric of defense:
- Property and community: Homeowners viewed their modest homes as precarious investments and symbols of American success, fiercely guarding them against perceived threats.
- Racial fears: They blamed blacks for neighborhood deterioration, rising crime, and declining property values, often expressing fears of "racial intermingling" and "social disorder."
- Antiliberalism: They cast their demands in terms of "homeowners' rights," arguing that civil rights for blacks infringed upon their own rights to choose neighbors and maintain community character.
Political power. This movement gained significant political clout, particularly under Mayor Albert Cobo (1950-1957), who rewarded homeowners' associations with prominent roles in city commissions and vetoed projects that threatened white neighborhoods. This alliance effectively contained black mobility and solidified racial boundaries.
9. Organized White Violence Enforced Racial Boundaries
In the arena of housing, violence in Detroit was organized and widespread, the outgrowth of one of the largest grassroots movements in the city’s history.
Communal defense. When diplomacy and threats failed, white homeowners escalated their resistance to organized violence. Incidents like the siege on Easby Wilson's home were commonplace, involving harassment, mass demonstrations, picketing, effigy burning, vandalism, and arson.
Targeted acts:
- Territorial marking: Violence was not random but a calculated political act to mark racial boundaries and warn black "pioneers" of the high costs of transgression.
- Family involvement: Protests were communal, involving entire families, with women often leading pickets and men engaging in more aggressive acts of property damage.
- Youth participation: Teenagers and children played essential roles as sentinels and vandals, their actions often sanctioned by adults.
Deepening divides. This sustained violence, often downplayed by city officials and white media, had profound effects. It hardened racial identities, objectifying them onto the city's geography, and deepened black distrust of white institutions. While not always preventing black movement, it severely limited options and reinforced the principle of racial segregation, creating a "sieve" through which only a small number of blacks passed.
10. The 1967 Riot: A Culmination, Not a Beginning, of Decades of Crisis
By the time of the civil disturbance in 1967, the seeds of destruction were already sown.
A predictable explosion. The 1967 Detroit riot, one of the most brutal in American history, was not an isolated event but the culmination of decades of economic decline, persistent discrimination, and hardening racial divisions. It was a symptom of deep-seated anger and despair among Detroit's black population.
Racial and economic context:
- Deproblematization: By 1967, the riot was overwhelmingly black, reflecting the city's changed racial demography and the disproportionate burden of deindustrialization on black residents.
- Youth alienation: Young black men, facing vanishing entry-level jobs and ongoing discrimination, were particularly affected, leading to rising crime and a growing detachment from the formal labor market.
- White backlash: White resistance to black mobility and civil rights had intensified, culminating in support for racially conservative politicians like George C. Wallace.
Failed remedies. Federal "War on Poverty" programs, while well-intentioned, were often too little, too late, and focused on individual "skills gaps" rather than the structural issues of deindustrialization and discrimination. The city's attempts at reindustrialization and affirmative action had limited impact on the most disadvantaged. The riot underscored the failure to address the interconnected forces of race, residence, and work that had transformed Detroit into a city of concentrated poverty and stark racial divides.
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