The Making of the English Working Class

1. The English Working Class: An Active Self-Creation

Making, because it is a study in an active process, which owes as much to agency as to conditioning. The working class did not rise like the sun at an appointed time. It was present at its own making.

Active process. The English working class was not a passive byproduct of the Industrial Revolution but actively shaped its own identity and institutions through conscious effort and shared experiences. This "making" involved a dynamic interplay between objective economic changes and subjective cultural responses. It was a historical phenomenon, not a static structure, defined by human relationships and evolving consciousness.

Beyond statistics. Understanding class requires looking beyond mere economic categories or statistical measurements. It's about how common experiences—inherited or shared—led individuals to articulate an identity of interests against other groups. This consciousness was embodied in traditions, value-systems, ideas, and institutional forms, which cannot be captured by sociological nets alone.

Challenging orthodoxies. This perspective critiques prevailing historical views that often portray working people as passive victims or mere data points. It seeks to rescue the "poor stockinger, the Luddite cropper, the 'obsolete' hand-loom weaver" from the "enormous condescension of posterity," recognizing their aspirations as valid within their own lived experience, even if their causes were ultimately lost.

2. Deep Roots of Popular Radicalism: Dissent and Liberty

For 100 years after 1688 this compromise – the oligarchy of landed and commercial property – remained unchallenged, although with a thickening texture of corruption, purchase, and interest whose complexities have been lovingly chronicled by Sir Lewis Namier and his school.

Enduring traditions. The Jacobin agitation of the 1790s, often seen as a byproduct of the French Revolution, drew deeply from long-standing English popular traditions. These included the spirit of Dissent, the notion of the "free-born Englishman," and the ambiguous role of the eighteenth-century "mob." These elements provided a fertile ground for new ideas to take root.

Dissent's legacy. Old Dissenting groups, despite their quietism after the 1688 settlement, preserved a "slumbering Radicalism" in their democratic organizational forms and the imagery of their sermons. Figures like John Bunyan, whose Pilgrim's Progress became a foundational text, offered a spiritual landscape of struggle against worldly corruption and aristocratic enemies, fostering a sense of righteousness and spiritual liberty among the poor.

Anti-absolutist stance. The "free-born Englishman" claimed few positive rights but fiercely resisted arbitrary power, exemplified by widespread hatred for the press-gang and distrust of a standing army. This anti-absolutist sentiment, rooted in constitutionalism and the Glorious Revolution, provided a framework for later demands for political liberty, even if initially limited to property rights.

3. The Moral Economy: Customary Rights vs. Market Forces

Food riots were sometimes uproarious, like the ‘Great Cheese Riot’ at Nottingham’s Goose Fair in 1764, when whole cheeses were rolled down the streets; or the riot in the same city, in 1788, caused by the high price of meat, when the doors and shutters of the shambles were torn down and burned, together with the butcher’s books, in the market-place.

Justice in action. Eighteenth-century "riots" were often not mere chaos but deliberate actions legitimized by an "older moral economy." This popular code held that profiteering on necessities was immoral, and communities often enforced a "popular price" on provisions, sometimes with remarkable self-discipline.

• Crowds would seize corn and sell it at a fair price, returning the proceeds to owners.
• Actions were often preceded by handbills or signals, like a loaf on a pitch-fork.
• The climactic year 1795 saw widespread actions, with local magistrates sometimes conniving.

Class robbery. Enclosure, a major driver of agrarian change, was perceived as a "plain enough case of class robbery." While legally sanctioned, it destroyed the customary subsistence economy of the poor, stripping them of common rights and increasing their dependence. This process was often accompanied by:

• Loss of access to fuel, gleaning, and grazing for livestock.
• Displacement and proletarianization of cottagers.
• A radical sense of injustice and displacement among the rural poor.

Erosion of sanctions. The period saw a deliberate policy to increase the dependence of cheap labor, with landowners and farmers embracing "Scotch feelosofy" (laissez-faire) over older paternalist traditions. The Poor Laws, particularly the Speenhamland system, became a battleground, reducing laborers to a state of "total dependence on the masters as a class," leading to demoralization and sporadic, brutally repressed revolts like the "Last Labourer's Revolt" of 1830.

4. Paine's Revolutionary Challenge: Rights of Man

I am contending for the rights of the living, and against their being willed away, and controuled, and contracted for, by the manuscript-assumed authority of the dead.

Iconoclastic voice. Tom Paine's Rights of Man shattered century-old taboos by rejecting constitutional precedent and asserting that each generation had the right to define its own government. Published in England after the French Revolution, it introduced a new, irreverent rhetoric of radical egalitarianism.

• Paine dismissed the English Constitution as a "sepulchre of precedents" and monarchy as a "breathing automaton."
• He argued that government derived its authority from conquest and superstition, serving a parasitic class of "placemen, pensioners, borough-holders."

Social vision. Beyond political critique, Paine's Second Part offered concrete social proposals that resonated deeply with working people, linking reform to their daily economic hardships. These included:

• Graduated income tax on the wealthy aristocracy.
• Public funds for universal education and old-age pensions.
• Maternity benefits and support for the necessitous.
• Combined lodging-houses and workshops for the unemployed.

New framework. Paine established a new framework for Radicalism, emphasizing reason, self-evident truths, and the inherent goodness of humanity uncorrupted by government. This framework, though sometimes simplistic, provided a powerful counter-narrative to Burke's traditionalism and laid the groundwork for a century of working-class political thought, influencing figures from Cobbett to Owen.

5. Methodism's Ambivalent Influence: Discipline and Discontent

It is, therefore, excessively the interest of every mill-owner to organize his moral machinery on equally sound principles with his mechanical, for otherwise he will never command the steady hands, watchful eyes, and prompt cooperation, essential to excellence of product …. There is, in fact, no case to which the Gospel truth, ‘Godliness is great gain,’ is more applicable than to the administration of an extensive factory.

Moral machinery. Methodism, particularly under leaders like Jabez Bunting, served as a powerful "moral machinery" for industrial capitalism. It inculcated work-discipline, sobriety, and submission, transforming "desultory habits of work" into the "unvarying regularity of the complex automaton" of the factory system. This made it appealing to self-made mill-owners and managerial groups.

Psychic exploitation. The religion's emphasis on universal sin, conditional grace, and the constant threat of "backsliding" created an "inner compulsion" for continuous, disciplined labor. Emotional energies, deemed dangerous to social order, were displaced into ritualized "love-feasts" and spiritual struggles, fostering a "psychic masturbation" that channeled passion away from social rebellion.

• Children were indoctrinated with fear of hell for minor transgressions.
• Spontaneous enjoyment was suppressed, replaced by methodical piety.
• The imagery of Christ's "bleeding love" and self-mortification reinforced obedience.

Unintended radicalism. Despite its authoritarian theology and conservative leadership, Methodism also inadvertently fostered democratic tendencies. Its open chapels, lay preachers, and emphasis on spiritual egalitarianism offered community and self-respect to the uprooted. When political aspirations were thwarted, religious fervor could sometimes translate into social protest, as seen in the "chiliasm of despair" that fueled revivals during periods of intense hardship and repression, eventually contributing to the moral fervor of later radical movements.

6. Industrial Exploitation: Degradation of Labor and Life

That working people felt these grievances at all – and felt them passionately – is itself a sufficient fact to merit our attention.

Intensified exploitation. The Industrial Revolution brought a profound change in the nature and intensity of exploitation, felt as a "catastrophic experience" by working people. The relationship between employer and laborer became depersonalized, devoid of traditional obligations, and driven solely by market forces.

• Rise of a master-class without traditional authority or obligations.
• Transparency of exploitation in new wealth and power.
• Loss of worker status, independence, and control over their labor.

Deteriorating conditions. While national product increased, the working-class share likely fell, leading to a psychological sense of decline. Urban environments deteriorated rapidly with overcrowding, poor sanitation, and industrial pollution, especially in textile towns.

• Per capita consumption of wheat and meat probably declined, replaced by potatoes and inferior foods.
• Infant mortality rates were significantly higher in industrial towns.
• Child labor intensified, systematized by the factory system, leading to widespread physical deformities and lack of education.

Beyond statistics. The "standard-of-living controversy" often overlooks qualitative aspects of life. Even if some statistical averages showed slight material improvements, these gains were experienced alongside immense human misery, insecurity, and the destruction of valued ways of life. The "average" working man remained near subsistence, surrounded by the visible wealth generated by his own labor.

7. Artisans' Fight for Status and Independence

The artisan felt that his status and standard-of-living were under threat or were deteriorating between 1815 and 1840.

Threatened status. Artisans, the skilled craftsmen working in small workshops or at home, formed a significant part of the industrial workforce and were the intellectual elite of the working class. Their customary wages, social prestige, and control over their craft were increasingly threatened by:

• Technological innovation and the influx of unskilled labor.
• Repeal of apprenticeship regulations (1814), opening trades to "illegal men."
• Rise of large "manufactories" and middlemen, leading to sweated outwork.

Defensive strategies. Artisans fiercely defended their "mystery" and status through strong trade unions, often operating illegally under the Combination Acts. These unions maintained:

• Closed shops and apprenticeship restrictions.
• Benefit funds for sickness, unemployment, and funerals.
• Strict codes of conduct and mutual aid.
• Ceremonial pride, echoing medieval guilds, with banners and elaborate rituals.

Radicalization. The constant struggle against economic degradation and the partiality of the law pushed artisans towards political radicalism. Their desire for "independence" evolved from individual self-employment to a collective demand for social control over their livelihood, finding expression in Owenism and later Chartism. This stratum provided many of the movement's most dedicated leaders and organizers.

8. The Irish Catalyst: Fueling Labor and Radicalism

The Irish emigration into Britain is an example of a less civilized population spreading themselves, as a kind of substratum, beneath a more civilized community; and, without excelling in any branch of industry, obtaining possession of all the lowest departments of manual labour.

Mass migration. The post-1798 Irish immigration, driven by counter-revolution, famine, and economic hardship, brought hundreds of thousands of the poorest laborers to Britain. They formed a "substratum" of cheap labor, essential for the Industrial Revolution's heavy manual tasks.

• Irish workers filled roles in docks, navvying, and blowing-rooms of factories.
• They were valued for their "willingness, alacrity, and perseverance" in arduous labor.
• Their presence often undercut English labor, especially in unskilled trades.

Cultural clash. The Irish peasantry, largely untouched by Puritan work-discipline, exhibited pre-industrial labor rhythms—alternating intensive work with boisterous relaxation. This contrasted sharply with the disciplined English artisan, leading to cultural friction but also a unique dynamic.

• They showed contempt for English authority and laws, often supported by their communities.
• Their strong Catholic faith, with a peasant-rooted priesthood, provided a distinct social and political orientation.
• Irish communities, though often segregated, were resilient and fostered mutual aid.

Revolutionary leaven. Many Irish immigrants brought traditions of secret agrarian organizations and a disposition towards "physical force" resistance. This "passionate, mercurial Irish temperament" mixed with the "stable, reasoning, persevering English" character, contributing a vital, excitable element to British radicalism. This confluence was particularly evident in the Luddite and Chartist movements, where Irish influence often pushed towards more direct action.

9. Luddism: A Transitional, Quasi-Insurrectionary Movement

We will never lay down Arms [till] The House of Commons passes an Act to put down all Machinery hurtful to Commonality, and repeal that to hang Frame Breakers. But We. We petition no more – that won’t do – fighting must.

Organized resistance. Luddism (1811-1817) was not blind opposition to machinery but a highly organized, quasi-insurrectionary movement rooted in specific industrial grievances and a deep sense of violated customary rights. It was a response to the abrogation of paternalist legislation and the imposition of laissez-faire economics.

• Targets were specific: power-looms, shearing-frames, "cut-up" stocking frames.
• Luddites operated with discipline, masks, sentinels, and secret communication.
• They claimed constitutional sanction, asserting a right to destroy "deceitfully manufactured" goods.

Moral economy in action. The movement was sanctioned by a broad community consensus that saw "free competition" as "foul Imposition" and defended the "Trade's" customs and fair wages. Small masters and artisans often sympathized, viewing new machinery and factory systems as threats to their way of life and independence.

• The croppers, a skilled elite, fought against machines that would extinguish their craft.
• Framework-knitters resisted "cut-ups" and "colting" (unskilled labor) that debased their trade.
• The movement was strongest in industrial villages where community solidarity was high.

Ulterior aims. While primarily industrial, Luddism continually "trembled on the edge of ulterior revolutionary objectives." The failure of constitutional appeals, combined with economic distress and political repression, pushed some Luddites towards broader aims, including overturning the government. The executions of Luddites like George Mellor and Jem Towle, and the widespread popular sympathy, underscored the deep class antagonism.

10. Post-War Radicalism: Press, Orators, and Organization

The existence of any political knowledge, or fixed political principles, amongst the poor in this neighbourhood, is of very recent date.

New political landscape. The post-Napoleonic Wars era (1815-1820) saw the heroic age of popular Radicalism, fueled by widespread disaffection, unemployment, and soaring food prices. This movement, unlike the 1790s, was no longer a minority propaganda but a generalized libertarian rhetoric demanding parliamentary reform.

• Cobbett's Political Register (especially the "Twopenny Trash") became a powerful voice, reaching cottage hearths across manufacturing districts.
• Henry Hunt emerged as the foremost public orator, adept at channeling popular emotions.
• The movement was characterized by mass meetings, petitions, and a growing sense of collective identity.

Press as a weapon. The fight for a free press was central, as Radical periodicals like the Black Dwarf, Sherwin's Political Register, and the Gorgon provided the "tissues" of the movement. Editors, publishers, and hawkers defied stamp duties and sedition laws, often facing imprisonment.

• William Hone's trials for parodying religious texts exposed the absurdity of censorship.
• Richard Carlile's relentless defiance, publishing Paine's works from prison, broke the government's ability to suppress the Radical press.
• This struggle fostered a unique working-class intellectual culture, valuing free thought and open debate.

Leadership challenges. Despite its vigor, national Radicalism suffered from a lack of coherent organization and internal divisions. Leaders like Cobbett and Hunt, while charismatic, often prioritized personal influence over collective strategy, leading to internecine quarrels and a susceptibility to government provocation, as tragically demonstrated by the Oliver the Spy affair and the Pentridge Rising.

11. Peterloo and the Six Acts: Forging Class Consciousness

There was whiz this way and whiz that way, declared one cotton-spinner: whenever any cried out “mercy”, they said, “Damn you, what brought you here?”.

Class war. The Peterloo Massacre (1819) was a pivotal event, a "class war" that profoundly shaped British political and social history. A peaceful, disciplined demonstration for parliamentary reform in Manchester, composed of tens of thousands of working people, was brutally dispersed by yeomanry cavalry.

• Eleven were killed, and hundreds injured, many by sabre wounds.
• The attack was driven by "class hatred," with local manufacturers on horseback targeting reformers.
• The government, far from condemning the violence, congratulated the magistrates and military, initiating prosecutions against the victims.

Moral outrage. Peterloo outraged the "free-born Englishman's" sense of justice, fair play, and the right to public assembly. This led to widespread moral indignation, uniting ultra-Radicals and moderates in protest.

• The event was immortalized in popular lampoons and ballads, like Hone and Cruikshank's The Political House that Jack Built.
• It solidified popular contempt for "Old Corruption" and the "borough-mongering faction."
• The ensuing Six Acts, suppressing public meetings and the press, further alienated public opinion and strengthened the resolve of reformers.

New confidence. Despite the repression, Peterloo inadvertently strengthened the constitutionalist wing of the reform movement. It demonstrated the power of organized, peaceful mass protest and the moral bankruptcy of the authorities. The "rabble" had transformed into a disciplined class, asserting its rights with a new confidence, exemplified by Samuel Bamford's defiant return to Middleton after the massacre.

12. The Reform Bill of 1832: A Defining Class Divide

The promoters of the Reform Bill projected it, not with a view to subvert, or even remodel our aristocratic institutions, but to consolidate them by a reinforcement of sub-aristocracy from the middle-classes …. The only difference between the Whigs and the Tories is this – the Whigs would give the shadow to preserve the substance; the Tories would not give the shadow, because stupid as they are, the millions will not stop at shadows but proceed onwards to realities.

Revolutionary potential. The Reform Bill crisis of 1831-32 brought Britain to the brink of revolution, driven by an astonishing consensus for reform among the populace. Enormous demonstrations, overwhelmingly working-class in composition, threatened the old order.

• The agitation revealed a deep-seated desire for political change, fueled by decades of repression and economic hardship.
• The "days of May" saw widespread preparations for resistance, including runs on banks and calls for non-payment of taxes.

Middle-class compromise. Revolution was averted because the industrial bourgeoisie, fearing the radicalization of the working class, skillfully used the threat of popular force to negotiate a compromise with the landed aristocracy. The Whig Bill was designed to "attach numbers to property and good order," enfranchising the middle classes while explicitly excluding the majority of working people.

• Surveys showed that "not more than one in fifty" of the working classes would gain the vote.
• Whig leaders like Grey openly stated their aim was to "put an end to such hopes and projects" as universal suffrage.
• This solidified a "middle-class class consciousness," narrowly self-interested and wary of broader egalitarian demands.

A new class consciousness. The exclusion of the working class by the 1832 Bill, and the subsequent attacks on trade unions and the poor, forged a more clearly defined working-class consciousness. Theorists like Bronterre O'Brien articulated a revolutionary socialism, arguing that the "middle orders" were the "most grinding and remorseless" oppressors. The vote became a symbol of dignity and a means to achieve social control, leading directly to the Chartist movement and a sustained struggle for a new social order based on mutual aid and collective power.