Republican Gomorrah

1. The Christian Right's Authoritarian Roots

"The mental stress and burden which this form of government imposes has been particularly well recognized in a little book about which I have spoken on several occasions,” Eisenhower wrote. “It is ‘The True Believer,’ by Eric Hoffer; you might find it of interest."

Early warnings. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, observing the rise of extreme movements, found insight in Eric Hoffer's "The True Believer," which suggested that mass movements offer refuge from individual anxieties. Eisenhower worried that many citizens would prefer rigid order and certainty over the complexities of personal freedom, making them susceptible to authoritarianism. He saw this as a danger to democracy, warning against those who seek "freedom from the necessity of informing themselves and making up their own minds."

Fromm's deeper analysis. Building on Hoffer's ideas, social psychologist Erich Fromm, in "Escape from Freedom," specifically analyzed the character structure of individuals drawn to right-wing authoritarian movements. Fromm argued that such movements thrive on the "insignificance and powerlessness of the individual," offering a "solution that makes life possible" but ultimately leading to destructiveness. He pinpointed these movements as "hothouses of individual dysfunction," where people eager to surrender their freedom seek transcendence through powerful figureheads.

Theocratic vision. This psychological framework underpins the Christian right's philosophy, particularly R.J. Rushdoony's "Christian Reconstructionism." Rushdoony, a descendant of Armenian genocide survivors, advocated replacing democracy with a theocratic elite governing by "Biblical Law," including literal application of Levitical laws and capital punishment for various "sins." His ideas, though obscure to the mainstream, appealed to figures like Jerry Falwell, who initially used segregation as a rallying cry before shifting to a more palatable "moral crusade" against abortion, laying the groundwork for the movement's political ascent.

2. Exploiting Personal Crisis for Political Power

"A rising mass movement attracts and holds a following not by its doctrine and promises,” he wrote, “but by the refuge it offers from the anxieties, barrenness and meaninglessness of an individual existence."

Crisis as mortar. The Christian right, as observed by the author, is defined by a "culture of personal crisis" that acts as the "mortar" bonding leaders and followers. This movement, often referred to cryptically as "The Family," attracts individuals seeking purpose and belonging, offering redemption through a "holy crusade" against perceived societal evils. This dynamic aligns with Hoffer's observation that mass movements provide refuge from individual anxieties and meaninglessness.

Dobson's empire. James Dobson, a child psychologist rather than a theologian, leveraged this culture of crisis to become the Christian right's most influential leader through his mega-ministry, Focus on the Family. Dobson's organization counsels "trauma-wracked Middle American masses" with Christian-oriented solutions to personal problems, from marital issues to child-rearing. This approach allows him to connect with followers on an intimate level, fostering deep loyalty.

Fueling political action. The personal data of those seeking help is entered into a database, targeting them for aggressive fundraising and political solicitations. These "crisis-wracked Focus members" receive urgent calls to action, urging them to vote for conservative candidates and anti-gay ballot measures, or to lobby Congress. This system transforms personal vulnerability into political power, demonstrating how the movement exploits individual suffering to achieve its broader agenda.

3. The Sadomasochistic Core of the Movement

"The essence of the authoritarian character,” Fromm wrote, “has been described as the simultaneous presence of sadistic and masochistic drives."

Discipline and pain. James Dobson's philosophy, particularly in his best-selling book "Dare to Discipline," advocates for corporal punishment, urging parents to beat young children with "neutral objects" like belts or rods. He suggests that "a little bit of pain goes a long way" and that children should cry "genuinely" before being comforted. This approach, according to the author, aims to "crush" rebellion and instill submission to authority, extending even to pinching the necks of unruly children or those of strangers.

Roots of authoritarianism. Philip Greven, a historian of Protestant religious thought, linked Dobson's violent child-rearing methods to the cultivation of authoritarian personalities. Greven argued that "the persistent 'conservatism' of American politics and society is rooted in large part in the physical violence done to children." He suggested that such discipline fosters a "tilt towards hierarchy, enforced order, and absolute authority," leading to sadomasochistic tendencies in adulthood, where individuals seek to both inflict and receive pain.

Self-purification and submission. Dobson's emphasis on pain extends to self-purification, adapted from his Nazarene faith, where followers confess transgressions and submit their individual wills to a "higher power" or "men of God" like Dobson. This process, which Dobson insists makes "Pain a marvelous purifier," reflects the sadomasochistic dynamic identified by Fromm. It allows individuals to fulfill an urge to simultaneously give and receive pain, developed in childhood, finding psychological survival in rigid authoritarian structures.

4. "Cheap Grace" for Political Allies

"Cheap grace means grace sold on the market like a cheapjack’s wares,” Bonhoeffer wrote in 1943 in his book The Cost of Discipleship. “The sacraments, the forgiveness of sin, and the consolations of religion are thrown away at cut-rate prices . . . In such a Church the world finds a cheap covering for its sins; no contrition is required, still less any real desire to be delivered from sin."

Forgiveness without repentance. The concept of "cheap grace," as defined by Dietrich Bonhoeffer, describes a phenomenon where forgiveness is granted without genuine contrition or a desire to be delivered from sin. This dynamic is evident in the Christian right's treatment of its political allies, who, despite moral failings, are readily redeemed if they profess evangelical faith and align with the movement's agenda. The sincerity of their conversion is rarely questioned, especially if they are useful.

DeLay's redemption. Tom DeLay, known as "Hot Tub Tommy" for his "bawdy liquor-sodden bashes and rowdy sex," transformed into "The Hammer" after a born-again experience inspired by Dobson's "Where's Dad?" video. Despite a history of alcoholism, promiscuity, and later, criminal conspiracy and money laundering, DeLay maintained the unwavering support of the Christian right. His evangelical supporters derived "profound emotional satisfaction" from his leadership, viewing him as insulated from accountability due to his faith.

Gingrich's absolution. Newt Gingrich, despite a history of serial philandering—including divorcing two wives while they were recovering from medical procedures—sought to refurbish his image through a public confession to James Dobson. Dobson, questioning Gingrich's understanding of "repentance," ultimately granted him absolution, paving the way for Gingrich's re-entry into conservative circles. This pattern of quick forgiveness for politically useful figures, regardless of past actions, highlights the transactional nature of "cheap grace" within the movement.

5. Deception and "Human Tools" in Political Warfare

"There is no requirement for Christians to be truthful “in acts of war,” Rushdoony wrote. “Spying is legitimate, as are deceptive tactics.”"

Strategic manipulation. The Christian right, influenced by Rushdoony's assertion that "deceptive tactics" are legitimate in "acts of war," has employed manipulation and subterfuge to advance its agenda. This approach was exemplified by lobbyist Jack Abramoff, who, despite being an Orthodox Jew, viewed Christian right leaders as "wackos" to be exploited for his schemes. Abramoff and his partner Michael Scanlon, a "graduate of the DeLay school," concocted a plan to use the Christian right's grassroots power to push for anti-gambling laws that would benefit their casino clients.

Abramoff's "chump change." Abramoff enlisted evangelical operative Ralph Reed, who had a history of plagiarism and a "Yellow Pages salvation" story, to rally Christian leaders like Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson against competing casinos. Reed, who received millions in "chump change" from Abramoff, orchestrated phone-banking campaigns and leveraged his allies' influence to pressure politicians. This demonstrated how Christian right figures, perhaps unwittingly, became "human tools" in a "shadowy casino hustle," their moral authority co-opted for financial gain.

Loyalty and control. The scandal revealed a troubling dynamic where leaders like Dobson, despite denying direct involvement, defended their allies and attacked investigative journalists. This behavior, coupled with the movement's tendency to forgive the sins of its "human tools" (like DeLay) while punishing dissent, reflects a system designed to ensure servility. As Czeslaw Milosz observed of totalitarian regimes, "Love of money, drunkenness, or a confused love-life disqualify a Party member from holding important offices," but for "human tools," weaknesses are tolerated or encouraged as "a guarantee of obedience."

6. The Closet of Conservative Hypocrisy

"The remarkable findings of this experiment suggest a clue to why the modern radical right, the most homophobic political movement in American history, has become a sanctuary for repressed gay men."

Repressed desires. Research, such as a University of Georgia study, indicates a strong link between homophobia and repressed homosexuality, with homophobic individuals showing greater sexual arousal to gay pornography. This suggests that the Christian right, despite being "the most homophobic political movement in American history," has become a "sanctuary for repressed gay men." These individuals often adopt hyper-masculine public personas while secretly engaging in the very behaviors they condemn.

Double lives. Figures like Jeff Gannon (James Dale Guckert) and Matt Sanchez exemplify this hypocrisy. Gannon, a "fake reporter" who worked as a high-priced male prostitute, used his platform to attack "radical gay activists" while leading a secret life. Sanchez, a "hyper-male" Marine reservist and conservative icon, was outed as a gay porn actor, yet vehemently denied being gay, blaming "gay fundamentalists" for his exposure. These individuals, described as "conformists," seek to transcend their "tortured pasts" by adopting the "cartoon-like costume of the Republican male social dominator."

Self-loathing and void. The author argues that these "closeted conservatives" are often "sapped... of their real identity," creating a "vast gulf between the public persona and the private life." Their sexual encounters become a "drug," a "fleeting rush of pornographic lust" that offers titillation but no emotional connection. This "unlived life" leads to self-destruction, as seen in the tragic downfall of figures like Mark Foley, a gay Republican congressman who preyed on young male pages while championing anti-child exploitation legislation.

7. The "Real America" vs. "Secular Elites" Narrative

"A writer observed, ‘We grow good people in our small towns, with honesty and sincerity and dignity,’” Palin remarked, “and I know just the kind of people that writer had in mind when he praised Harry Truman. I grew up with those people.”"

Us vs. them. The Christian right, particularly through figures like Sarah Palin, has cultivated a powerful "us vs. them" narrative, contrasting "real America" (small towns, conservative values, "hard-working very patriotic" people) with "secular elites" (coastal cities, liberal values, "anti-American" areas). This rhetoric taps into deep-seated resentment and a sense of cultural persecution, mobilizing a base that feels alienated by mainstream society. Palin's "average hockey mom" image resonated deeply with this sentiment.

Populist appeal. Palin's rise to national prominence was fueled by her ability to embody this populist spirit. Despite her lack of experience and knowledge of national affairs, her background as a hunter, mother, and small-town mayor made her an authentic representative of the movement's ethos. Her speeches, often delivered without the permission of McCain's top aides, directly attacked "liberal elites and the media," accusing them of being "unqualified" and out of touch with "real Americans."

Inciting division. This narrative, however, proved politically combustible. Palin's rhetoric, linking Barack Obama to "terrorists" and questioning his patriotism, incited racist and violent outbursts at her rallies. Shouts of "Kill him!" and "He's a nigger!" demonstrated how easily the "rabble" could be transformed into a "virtual lynch mob." This strategy, while energizing the base, alienated independents and moderate Republicans, ultimately contributing to McCain's defeat and further solidifying the GOP's image as a party consumed by cultural warfare.

8. Fear and Apocalyptic Mobilization

"The more you fear death and the emptier you are, the more you people your world with omnipotent father-figures, extra-magical helpers."

Mortality reminders. The Christian right effectively mobilizes its base through "mortality reminders" and End Times theology, exploiting the fundamental human fear of death. As cultural anthropologist Ernest Becker argued, people seek "omnipotent father-figures, extra-magical helpers" and causes that promise eternal salvation to transcend this terror. This explains the appeal of apocalyptic preachers who celebrate natural disasters and wars as harbingers of Christ's return.

Christian Zionism and war. Pastor John Hagee, a key McCain endorser, exemplifies this. From his San Antonio mega-church, Hagee preaches that a "nuclear showdown with Iran is a certainty" and that Israel must be supported to fulfill biblical prophecies. His "Jerusalem Countdown" depicts an atomic mushroom cloud, promising that only through this "catastrophic scenario" can Christ return and establish God's law. This vision appeals to those who "lust for a blitzkrieg of biblical proportions," eager for "Armageddon and to the cleansing of the Earth."

Psychological impact. Psychological experiments have shown that reminding individuals of their impending death leads to more draconian and fearful responses, enhancing the appeal of authoritarian leaders and conservative social positions. Candidates like Rudy Giuliani, Fred Thompson, Mike Huckabee, and Tom Tancredo all employed "mortality reminders" in their campaigns, linking immigration to terrorism and warning of societal collapse. This tactic, while effective with the base, often came at the expense of broader appeal.

9. The Palin Archetype: A Symbol of Self-Destruction

"She was too parochial to withstand heavy media scrutiny and too extreme to cultivate support from anyone other than “the rabble.”"

Unvetted choice. Sarah Palin, McCain's vice-presidential pick, was an "overnight sensation" but also a symbol of the movement's self-destructive tendencies. Her selection, driven by a desire to energize the Christian right, was marred by "poor vetting" that failed to uncover her family's intrigues and her radical religious beliefs. Despite her lack of knowledge on national and international affairs, neoconservatives like Bill Kristol saw her parochialism as a "blank page" to be filled with their agenda.

Third Wave Pentecostalism. Palin's worldview was shaped by the "hermetically sealed Third Wave subculture" of her church, Wasilla Assembly of God. This extreme Pentecostal theology, rooted in an "explicitly anti-intellectual creation myth" (the "Serpent Seed" doctrine), emphasizes "spiritual warfare" and purging "demon influence" from geographic areas. Palin's anointing by Kenyan pastor Thomas Muthee, who prayed against "every form of witchcraft" for her political success, highlights her deep immersion in this radical belief system.

Political fallout. Palin's disastrous interviews, where she struggled to answer basic questions, exposed her lack of qualifications and alienated mainstream voters. While conservative intellectuals recoiled, calling her "extremely ignorant" and a "religious crackpot," the movement's adulation intensified, viewing her repudiation as "anti-Christian persecution." This dynamic, where the party embraced a figure too extreme for broad appeal, ultimately contributed to McCain's defeat and solidified the GOP's image as a party consumed by its radical right wing.

10. The Destructive Consequences of Extreme Indoctrination

"You Christians brought this on yourselves,” Murray proclaimed. “All I want to do is kill and injure as many of you . . . as I can especially Christians who are to blame for most of the problems in the world.”"

The "Christian nightmare." The tragic case of Matthew Murray, a young man scarred by a lifetime of psychological abuse from his Pentecostal parents, illustrates the destructive consequences of extreme religious indoctrination. Murray's home-schooling, based on Bill Gothard's draconian "Basic Life Principles," created an "all-consuming environment" of absolute submission to authority, leading him to describe his upbringing as a "nightmare of Christianity." His parents' rigid control and suspicion of the outside world fostered paranoia and deep alienation.

Path to violence. Murray's rejection from a Christian missionary group and subsequent "trauma-inducing raids" by his mother, who destroyed his secular media, pushed him to embrace Aleister Crowley's occultism and a life of "sexual pervrsion." His online postings revealed a descent into loneliness and a "necrophilious character" fixated on death and destruction. He openly contemplated suicide but first sought to "kill and injure as many" Christians as possible, blaming them for "most of the problems in the world."

Denial and blame. Murray's killing spree at Youth with a Mission and New Life Church, where he murdered four idealistic young Christians, was a violent act of revenge against the authoritarian culture that shaped him. The evangelical hierarchy, however, refused to acknowledge its role in his pathology, instead blaming "Satan" and "demonic possession." This denial, coupled with the media's failure to explore the roots of his violence, allowed the Christian right to avoid a damning indictment of its ideology, perpetuating a cycle of "cheap grace" and unexamined dysfunction.

Last updated: March 4, 2026