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Mañana Forever? Mexico and the Mexicans

Mañana Forever? Mexico and the Mexicans

by Jorge G. Castañeda 2011 320 pages
3.62
358 ratings
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Key Takeaways

1. Mexican Individualism: A Double-Edged Sword

The self-evident conclusion of the sporting conundrum is that Mexicans are highly individualistic in their athletic achievements, excelling in personal competition, but failing pathetically in associative sports.

Deep-seated individualism. Mexico exhibits a profound individualism, where citizens often excel in solitary pursuits but struggle with collective action. This trait is evident across various aspects of society, from sports to civil engagement. For instance, Mexico consistently underperforms in team sports like soccer but shines in individual competitions such as boxing, diving, or golf. This pattern extends beyond athletics:

  • Low civic participation: Mexicans show significantly lower rates of participation in charitable, religious, or community associations compared to other Latin American nations.
  • Political disengagement: Electoral turnout remains low, and a large majority report never working with others to solve community problems.
  • "Crabs in a bucket" mentality: A popular Mexican parable illustrates a tendency to pull down successful peers rather than support collective advancement.

Historical roots. This individualism is not accidental but deeply rooted in Mexico's history. Centuries of strong, centralized state control, from the Aztec empire through Spanish colonial rule and the post-revolutionary PRI regime, stifled civil society. Citizens learned to seek individual or family-based solutions to collective problems, as the state consistently "crowded them out." The Conquest itself, with its narrative of individual survival (like La Malinche), reinforced this pattern.

Family as the core. While individualistic, this trait often manifests as an "individualism of the family." The nuclear and extended family serves as the primary unit of solidarity and collective action. This explains phenomena like high remittance rates from abroad, where migrants prioritize supporting their families back home over broader community engagement. However, this family-centric approach is increasingly challenged by modernity, urbanization, and changing gender roles, which demand broader collective efforts.

2. The Rise of Mexico's Middle Class

Mexico today has become finally a middle-class society.

A transformative shift. For the first time in its history, Mexico has achieved a majority middle-class population, a monumental accomplishment that promises to irreversibly transform the country. This expansion, particularly from 1996 to 2008, moved a significant portion of the population out of poverty and into a new socio-economic stratum. This is measured not just by income, but by tangible consumption patterns.

Consumption as a marker. The new Mexican middle class is defined by its access to goods and services previously reserved for a smaller elite. Key indicators of this shift include:

  • Automobile ownership: A dramatic increase in car sales, especially used imports, made vehicle ownership accessible to millions.
  • Consumer electronics: Widespread adoption of plasma/LCD TVs and cell phones, often bypassing landline infrastructure.
  • Credit access: A surge in credit card issuance, reflecting increased purchasing power and financial inclusion.
  • Housing boom: Millions of new, affordable homes were built and financed, providing property ownership to lower-middle-class families.
  • Private services: Growing demand for private health insurance and private higher education, signaling aspirations for better quality services.

Clash with individualism. This burgeoning middle-class reality fundamentally clashes with Mexico's traditional individualism. A middle-class society, by definition, requires a greater degree of collective norms, shared responsibilities, and adherence to common rules for its functioning. The old ways of individual solutions and aversion to collective action become dysfunctional in a society where the majority are, in essence, "all alike" in their aspirations and needs. This tension creates a paradox where a modernizing economy is hindered by an archaic cultural mindset.

3. Conflict Aversion: A Barrier to Progress

In his harsh solitude, which is both barbed and courteous, everything serves him as a defense: silence and words, politeness and disdain, irony and resignation.… He passes through life like a man who has been flayed; everything can hurt him, including words and the very suspicion of words.… Stoicism is the most exalted of our military and political attributes.… We are taught from childhood to accept defeat with dignity.… Resignation is one of our most popular virtues.

Deep-seated avoidance. Mexicans exhibit a powerful reluctance to engage in direct conflict or open competition, preferring euphemisms, elaborate courtesy, and indirect communication. This trait is rooted in a historical narrative of victimhood and a fear of the destructive consequences of confrontation. The saying "Más vale un mal arreglo que un buen pleito" ("It is better to reach a bad deal than to have a good fight") encapsulates this ethos.

Reasons for aversion:

  • Fear of violence: A belief that confrontation inevitably escalates to violence, stemming from historical events like the Conquest and Revolution, even if actual violence statistics are often exaggerated.
  • Irreparable damage: The conviction that once a conflict erupts, relationships are permanently broken, with no path to reconciliation.
  • Futility of struggle: A sense that fighting is useless, especially for the weaker party, as the outcome is often predetermined by power imbalances.
  • Rejection of binary choices: An almost magical pursuit of avoiding "either/or" decisions, preferring to believe that mutually incompatible goals can coexist or be achieved simultaneously.

Dysfunctional in democracy. This conflict aversion is profoundly dysfunctional for a functioning democracy, which thrives on open debate, competition, and the peaceful resolution of disagreements. Mexico's political system, with its unmanageable three-party structure and reluctance to adopt runoff elections or constitutional reforms, reflects this cultural trait. The inability to engage in transparent political confrontation leads to gridlock, artificial consensus, and a perpetuation of underlying societal divisions rather than their resolution.

4. History's Heavy Hand: Fear of the Foreign

The notion that the outside world has always been a source of danger and disgrace for Mexicans, that everything coming from abroad threatens the country, is of course hardly irrational. It is well founded in Mexican history.

Past as prologue. Mexico is deeply obsessed with its history, which is often interpreted as a continuous narrative of oppression, betrayal, and defeat at the hands of foreign powers. This historical lens fosters a pervasive fear and rejection of "the other," particularly the United States, despite the undeniable reality of deep economic and social integration. School textbooks, for instance, emphasize foreign aggression and national martyrdom.

Xenophobia in practice. This fear translates into concrete legal and social barriers against foreigners. Constitutional provisions, dating back to the 1917 Revolution, restrict naturalized Mexicans from holding key public offices, owning land in strategic areas (like beaches), or even playing on national sports teams. While Mexico has a reputation for welcoming political refugees, economic immigrants often face mistreatment, and public opinion remains largely opposed to foreigners working in the country.

Ambivalence towards the U.S. The relationship with the United States is a complex mix of mistrust, resentment, and admiration. While a significant portion of Mexicans view proximity to the U.S. as a problem, many also express a desire for closer integration or even forming a single country if it means a higher standard of living. This ambivalence is evident in economic policy: Mexicans want foreign investment but often oppose it in strategic sectors like oil and electricity, reflecting a desire to "have their tortilla and eat it too" – enjoying the benefits of globalization while maintaining traditional protections.

5. The Paradox of Law: Obeying Without Complying

"Se obedece pero no se cumple," or "Obedézcase pero no se cumpla" ("We obey but we do not comply," or "Obey the law but do not comply with it").

A historical legacy. Mexico's pervasive lawlessness, corruption, and impunity are deeply rooted in a historical tradition of "obeying but not complying" with the law, inherited from the Spanish colonial era. This practice, initially a mechanism for local autonomy, evolved into a systemic disregard for legal norms, where formal adherence to the law coexists with its practical subversion. Public office became a primary means of personal enrichment, blurring the lines between public and private spheres.

Illusory legality. Post-independence, Mexico adopted liberal constitutions that were largely fictitious, creating a wide gap between legal texts and daily reality. This "magical legalism" led to:

  • Unenforceable laws: The constitution became a "Christmas tree" of unachievable rights and unfunded entitlements, never meant to be fully implemented.
  • Selective compliance: Laws are often obeyed only if deemed "just" or convenient, fostering a culture where personal opinion can override legal obligation.
  • Simulation: International treaties are ratified without domestic enforcement, and electoral laws are circumvented through clever subterfuge (e.g., gender quotas for congressional seats).

Cynicism and corruption. This environment breeds deep cynicism about the law and fuels corruption. Mexicans often view corruption not as a deviation, but as a necessary "oil" to make the bureaucratic machine turn, especially when the formal legal system is perceived as unjust or ineffective. This is reflected in popular sayings like "El que no transa, no avanza" ("Whoever doesn't trick or cheat, gets nowhere"). This pervasive attitude, even among educators, perpetuates a vicious cycle where disrespect for the law and corruption reinforce each other, hindering any genuine progress towards a robust rule of law.

6. Rule of Law: The Unmet Imperative

Mexico has no way out of its drug wars or tax take travails, of its low investment rates and informal economy, unless it changes its attitudes toward the law.

Critical challenges. The ingrained lawlessness, corruption, and impunity in Mexico pose insurmountable obstacles to addressing the nation's most pressing challenges. These issues are not merely symptoms of a flawed political system but are deeply intertwined with societal attitudes towards the law.

Key areas impacted:

  • Drug Wars: The "war on drugs" is undermined by compromised local police, widespread corruption, and a state that has historically ceded control of territory to local strongmen or cartels. The lack of a credible, unified national police force perpetuates violence and impunity.
  • Informal Economy: Over half of Mexico's economic activity operates outside legal frameworks, leading to massive tax evasion (e.g., extremely low property tax collection) and depressed wages. This informal sector thrives on the disregard for regulations, hindering formal job creation and economic growth.
  • Weak Civil Society: Public cynicism about the law and institutions stifles collective action and civic participation. Citizens feel powerless to influence government, perpetuating a cycle of disorganization and mistrust, which is essential for a functioning democracy.
  • Diversity and Unity: While Mexico is a nation of immense diversity, the rule of law could serve as a unifying force, replacing outdated historical narratives. However, the current fragmented legal system and regional disparities prevent this, exacerbating divisions between prosperous, globalized regions and impoverished, traditional ones.

The need for transformation. Mexico's current approach, often characterized by simulation and a preference for altering reality to fit the law rather than vice versa, is unsustainable. A fundamental shift in attitudes towards the law is imperative. This requires establishing laws that can be enforced and respected, unifying legal frameworks (e.g., a national police and criminal code), and fostering a culture where compliance is valued regardless of perceived "justice."

7. Mexicans in the U.S.: A Blueprint for Change

Mexicans in Mexico show relatively low numbers on both axes, making them the most distinct group of all those surveyed (including Asian- and African-Americans). Conversely, Mexicans in the U.S., however tightly linked they may be to their families back home, possess a system of beliefs that is very different from that of Mexicans in our country, and seem much closer to the Anglo-American average.

An "in vitro" experiment. The 12 million native-born Mexicans residing in the United States offer a unique "real-time experiment" into the malleability of the Mexican national character. Uprooted from their traditional environment, these migrants are exposed to a radically different social and legal context that appears to be transforming their attitudes and behaviors.

Observable shifts:

  • Increased savings: Migrants exhibit extraordinarily high savings rates, prioritizing remittances to family over immediate consumption, a stark contrast to patterns in Mexico.
  • Law-abiding behavior: Despite stereotypes, Mexican immigrants in the U.S. show lower incarceration rates and contribute to reduced crime in their communities, driven by the severe penalty of deportation for non-compliance.
  • Greater civic engagement: Studies indicate higher rates of participation in community organizations and voluntary work among Mexicans in the U.S. compared to those in Mexico.
  • Reduced cynicism: Migrants express significantly greater trust in institutions and the rule of law than their compatriots back home, suggesting a shift away from ingrained skepticism.

Women as agents of change. Mexican women migrants, in particular, are at the forefront of this transformation. They often migrate independently, secure jobs in diverse sectors, and gain financial autonomy. The U.S. environment, with its legal protections and full-day schooling, empowers them to challenge traditional gender roles and assert greater independence from male partners. This newfound agency, coupled with increased trust in institutions, provides a powerful recourse against domestic abuse and fosters a more assertive, less conflict-averse mindset.

Hope for Mexico. If these behavioral and attitudinal shifts among Mexicans in the U.S. are sustained and replicated, they offer a blueprint for Mexico's own modernization. The experience suggests that the "demons" of individualism, conflict aversion, fear of the foreign, and lawlessness are not immutable. A Mexico that embraces the rule of law, fosters genuine competition, and empowers its citizens, particularly women, could shed its archaic baggage and achieve the modernity it deserves.

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Review Summary

3.62 out of 5
Average of 358 ratings from Goodreads and Amazon.

Mañana Forever? Mexico and the Mexicans receives mixed reactions from readers, averaging 3.62 stars. Many appreciate Castañeda's insightful analysis of Mexican national character, particularly his exploration of individualism, conflict avoidance, and victim glorification that inhibit modernization. Readers value his use of extensive polling data and statistics, though some find this overwhelming and repetitive. The book draws comparisons to Octavio Paz's work but focuses more on economics and politics. Critics note the author's privileged perspective and one-sided critique that overlooks positives. Most agree it's valuable for understanding Mexico's cultural complexities, though demanding patience.

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About the Author

Jorge Castañeda Gutman was born May 24, 1953, in Mexico City and served as Mexico's Secretary of Foreign Affairs from 2000-2003 under President Vicente Fox. He received his French Baccalauréat, earned his B.A. from Princeton University, and obtained a Ph.D. in Economic History from the University of Paris. Castañeda taught at prestigious institutions including UNAM, UC Berkeley, Princeton, NYU, and Cambridge. He authored over a dozen books, including a Che Guevara biography, and regularly contributes to publications like Reforma, El País, Los Angeles Times, and Newsweek. His father also served as Foreign Affairs Secretary from 1979-1982.

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